Rockefeller Commisson

NODULE X25
AFTER THE COUP:
FRANK STURGIS, WHITE HOUSE
SPECIAL OPERATIONS GROUP



James A Hunt lives around this area, but what he looks like I really do not know.


For the most up-to-date version of this Nodule go to
http://ajweberman.com/nodulex25.pdf
STURGIS' ALIBIS
In 1974 Michael Canfield questioned FRANK STURGIS about his alibi for November 22, 1963.
STURGIS: "I was home watching television...in Miami." The television listings for
November 22, 1963, in the Miami Herald, indicated that at 1:30 p.m. (12:30 Dallas time)
Search  For  Tomorrow,  Truth or  Consequences and Father  Knows  Best were  on
television at  the time. Why would  an active,  macho guy like STURGIS  be at home
watching television? STURGIS worked as a used car salesman at the time. Why wasn't
he at work? The reason was he had to be placed in a non-public environment
THE NOVEMBER 22, 1963, MEETING IN WASHINGTON, D.C.
Later in 1974 STURGIS told Michael Canfield that he was watching television on the
day of the assassination, possibly in Washington, rather than Miami:
Well, yeah, I love to watch television. Well, and regardless of where its at,
I  don't  care  if  I'm in  Washington, or  anyplace,  I'll  watch television.  But
they've asked me that, like I said, they asked me where I was on that day
and I  told  them 'Well, I've got  no comment on that.'  So I  suspect  that
maybe I'll  be dragged up there  to Washington before one of those
Congressional Committees, or the Rockefeller Commission.
As stated, STURGIS and Wilfrado Navarro testified before the Rockefeller Commission
on April 3, 1975. Present were Staff Members William Schwarzer, Robert Olsen, James
Roethe. During his deposition in HUNT V. WEBERMAN STURGIS was asked:
Q.
Do you remember giving a story to anybody, especially Mr. Canfield,
that you may have been in Washington, D.C. on November 22, 1963.
A. I don't recall.
WEBERMAN: I've got it on tape.
A. I'm sorry. Then one of us is wrong.
WEBERMAN:  You said you didn't  know where  you were,  but  you were
watching television.
A. Because I was home.



WEBERMAN: So you weren't working that day?
A. I was at home and I did leave the house. Supposedly Jim Buchanan
came and told me that, I went with him and left the house with him.
Around this time Bernard Fensterwald and Richard Sprague circulated a story that on November
 22,  1963, STURGIS was  at  a meeting in Washington,  D.C.,  with Richard Helms, HUNT, and Cuban exile
 Enrique Williams. Sprague told a researcher: HUNT was at a meeting of Operation 40 with Helms,  Enrique Williams,
Lyman Kirkpatrick. This was confirmed by Williams. Williams was a leader
of the Bay of Pigs Brigade. Hanes Johnson told me Enrique Williams was
at  this  meeting,  and I  confirmed it  with Williams.  Williams  was  a very
honest  individual,  as  any guy would  be,  who came under  fire on that
beach.  If HUNT said  he was at  this  meeting I  would  not  believe him.
Williams told this story long before Watergate. The meeting concerned the
CIA putting more money up for another invasion of Cuba.
The notes  of a Rockefeller  Commission investigator  indicated confusion about  this meeting:Check
 Bureau files on HUNT interviews in 1974. Did HUNT claim to be in the company of Agency officials on
 November 22, 1963? and give their
names to FBI & claim they could corroborate his presence there? Check
with HUNT'S  lawyer  regarding content  of HUNT'S  TV denials  of  Dallas
matter in November 1974. Did HUNT say he was at work at Agency at
1:30 p.m.? (Taped by Kaiser.)  HUNT  refused to say who he was  with.
Contact  Robert  Blair  Kaiser  at Rolling Stone regarding whether  he had
recording or  notes  of  his  November  1974 interview with HUNT in  New
York.STURGIS said that he might have been in Washington on November 22, 1963. The CIA planned
to provide STURGIS with an alibi, and leaked it through their asset, Bernard Fensterwald. In 1978
STURGIS said he did not recall telling Michael Canfield anything about  a meeting in  Washington, D.C.
 This  was  because the CIA  abandoned "the meeting in D.C." alibi, since it would have put HUNT and STURGIS
 together prior to 1971
.
JAMES A. HUNT
STURGIS told Rockefeller Commission "he was in Miami Florida throughout the day of the assassination,
 and his testimony was supported by the testimony of his wife, and by the testimony of his wife's nephew [James A. Hunt].
 The nephew, who was then living with the STURGIS family,  is  now a practicing attorney in  the Midwest." Rockefeller Commission
 investigator Pete Clapper: "I phoned James A. Hunt, attorney, Cincinnati, Ohio, 513-381-0656,  before noon on April  1,  1975.
 I explained that  the Commission seeks to ascertain the whereabouts of FRANK STURGIS on November 22, 1963. Mr.James Hunt said he wished
 to check  with STURGIS,  and then would  call back.  He called before noon this date and provided the following information: James  Hunt
 was  living with his  aunt, Janet  Sturgis,  and her  husband, FRANK, at their home at Northwest 122nd Street in Miami on November 22, 1963.
 James Hunt was attending Miami Day Junior College. He had
enrolled there in August 1963.
To the best of his knowledge, he recalls having an early class that day.
Before  leaving the house,  he saw FRANK STURGIS at  home about
breakfast  time. Hunt returned to the house in  mid-morning.  His
grandmother was home. He took a nap. His grandmother awakened him
to report  there  were  news  reports  that  the President  had been shot  in
Dallas. James Hunt remembers they watched CBS correspondent Walter
Cronkite.
James Hunt reports that STURGIS returned home that afternoon and they
watched TV He believes STURGIS was a used car salesman at the time.
He is certain that it was a working day for STURGIS. Prior to STURGIS
returning to the house in the afternoon, James Hunt recalls taking a drive
around Miami during the afternoon alone. He recalls his aunt was upset by
the TV reports. He recalls his cousin, Gale, a grade school student, was
present in the household, and watched TV with them during the evening.
STURGIS was  at  home that  evening,  he believes  to the best of his
recollection.
James Hunt says the day stands out particularly in his mind because only
five days earlier he had seen Kennedy in person. James Hunt and a friend
were at the Miami airport the previous Monday. Kennedy happened to be
arriving. They joined the crowd and watched him.
Hunt  agreed to draft an affidavit.  I  have given him my name and the
Commission address to send the affidavit to. [RCD Memo Robert B. Olsen
to Clapper 4.3.75]
James Hunt's affidavit for the Rockefeller Commission stated:
AFFIDAVIT OF JAMES A. HUNT
STATE OF OHIO
COUNTY OF HAMILTON
James A. Hunt, being duly sworn and cautioned, deposes and says that:



1
.
I am submitting this Affidavit to the Commission on CIA activities within
the United States at the request of Peter R. Clapper, who contacted me by
telephone and told me he is a staff member of the foregoing Commission.
2
.
The purpose of this Affidavit is to record, to the best of my knowledge,
my recollection of certain events that occurred on November 22, 1963.
3
.
During the period August  1963 until  May 1962,  I was  enrolled as  a
freshman student at Miami-Dade Junior College located near the corner of
northwest 119th Street and 27th Avenue in Miami, Florida.
4
.
During the aforementioned period, I lived in the household of my aunt,
Mrs. Janet Sturgis, and her husband, my uncle, FRANK STURGIS at 2515
Northwest  122nd Street, Miami.  My grand-mother,  Mrs.  Elizabeth Hunt,
now deceased, also lived there.
5
.
Taking into consideration the fact that November 22, 1963, is a single
day which occurred almost 11 ½ years ago, the following is offered as my
best recollection of the day.
A.  As  I  recall,  I  had an early class  at  Miami  Dade Junior  College on
November 22, 1963, and arose early enough to arrive at school at least
before 9:00 a.m. It is my recollection that I saw FRANK STURGIS at home
prior to my leaving for school that morning.
B. I returned to the STURGIS household sometime during mid-morning,
probably sometime between 11:00 a.m. and 12:00 p.m. Since I had not
eaten breakfast previously, it is my recollection that, upon returning to the
STURGIS' household, I  ate breakfast and retired to my room to take a
short nap and do some reading prior to the late afternoon class which I
had to attend on that day.
C.
At some time between 12:00 noon and 1:30 p.m. I was awakened by
my grandmother who told me that reports of an attempted assassination
on the life of President John Kennedy were being broadcast on television.
D.
I then arose and watched the news. It is my recollection that besides
my grandmother, my aunt, Mrs. Janet Sturgis was also at home watching
the television.
E. Later in the afternoon on that day, probably at approximately 3:00 p.m.,
I drove back to Miami-Dade Junior College to see if my afternoon class
had been canceled.
F.
Upon arriving at Miami-Dade Junior College that afternoon I discovered
that the class had, in fact, been canceled; thereafter I took a drive through



the city of Miami, contemplating the significance of the events of that day
and trying to get some idea of their impact on other people.
G.
I  arrived back  at the STURGIS household  in  the late afternoon,
probably between 3:30 p.m. and 5:00 p.m.
H.
Upon my arrival back at the STURGIS household, or shortly thereafter,
I recall seeing my grandmother, my aunt, Mrs. Janet Sturgis and my uncle,
FRANK  STURGIS.  It is  further  my recollection that  the aforementioned
persons ate dinner at the STURGIS household and remained there for the
rest of the evening.6
.
The foregoing represents, to the best of my recollection, a summary of
certain events which occurred on November 22, 1963, the day on which
President  John F.  Kennedy was  assassinated.  Further  Affiant Saith
Naught.
 James A. Hunt.
STURGIS said that he was  at home, watching television,  when news  of
the assassination was flashed across the screen. He said he was with James Hunt. James Hunt had a different version
 of events. He said that his aunt woke him up when the news was flashed, however, FRANK STURGIS was not there at the time.
 James Hunt told Olsen during their phone conversation that STURGIS returned home that afternoon and they watched TV before
 he went for his  drive.  In his  affidavit  he stated he saw STURGIS after his drive. He believed STURGIS was a used car salesman at the time.
He  was  certain that  it was  a working day for  STURGIS.  STURGIS  never  mentioned anything about working that day. He claimed
 he was home, watching TV. James Hunt could  also be mistaken about  seeing STURGIS at  breakfast  because this  event occurred before
 the assassination and was  less  likely  to be as  clear  in  his  mind as events that followed it. James Hunt said he had a very early


 class to attend. Why would STURGIS be eating breakfast at so early an hour if all he had planned for that day was to stay indoors and watch T.V?
TELEPHONE INTERVIEW WITH JAMES HUNT
James Hunt was contacted in January 1994 and asked:
Q. Was  FRANK  there when you were  woken up and told about  the
assassination?
A. No, he wasn't there when I woke up.
Q. But FRANK said he was there.
A. Not in the afternoon. I never saw FRANK'S testimony. Where did he
say that? FRANK may have his times mixed-up there. I must admit that
part I don't remember. I got to say as I sit here, 'It's been a long time.' -
What, 30 years? - But  I don't  remember  FRANK  being there when she
woke me up. I'm not quite sure whether he was there when they made the
announcement of his death. I certainly stand behind the affidavit I gave to
the Rockefeller Commission. My recollection is that I saw FRANK early in
the morning. I came home, laid down, my grandmother woke me up and
said 'He's been shot.' I went out and watched the news for awhile. I had an
afternoon class  that  day,  and somewhere  around mid-afternoon I went
over to see if they were going to hold class. It turned out they weren't, and
I drove around for half an hour or so and I got back. That was probably
when I saw FRANK again, you know what I mean. Hell, that would be 3:00
p.m., something like that, yeah. 3:30 p.m. to 5:00 p.m. sounds about right.
Q. FRANK'S alibi was 'I was watching TV when the news came on about
the assassination. My nephew was there, with me, when it first happened.'
A. I am not trying to be unfriendly, but I don't know what the purpose of
this call is?
Q.I am trying to resolve this contradiction in the testimony.
A. He could have been there, but I just don't remember he was there.
I swear the following is true and correct: In 2008 I met with Bob Risch, the co-author of a book that  Jim Hunt was planning
 to do about his uncle FRANK STURGIS entitled Cuba On My Mind. He told me that Jim had retracted his statement to the Rockefeller
 Commission and that FRANK had asked him to alibi him for the day in question. When the book was published Hunt stuck to the statement
 that he gave to the Rockefeller Commission. He did say that he believed STURGIS was part of the conspiracy to kill Kennedy but was not a
 shooter. I asked him what part could STURGIS have played? 'LG KH ZULWH D :KLWH 3DSHU RQ WKH %D\ RI 3LJV" 'LG KH DUUDQJH WKH IORZHUV DW -).¶V
funeral? I pointed out to him that FRANK was a killer and that if he was part of the plot
his role involved murder. Hunt did not believe that FRANK had killed his best friend,
Alex Rorke or that he machine-gunned dozens of Masferrer supporters at San Juan Hill
in Cuba. I told him that iQ +(00,1*¶V ZRUGV_ ³)5$1. ZDV D VWXEEOH EXP_´



THE AFFIDAVIT OF MRS. JANET STURGIS
RECOLLECTION IS A STRANGE THING. SOME HUMANS ARE MORE
GIFTED  WITH  REMEMBERING  CERTAIN  EVENTS  THAN  OTHERS.
BUT I  WOULD  HAZARD A  GUESS THAT ALMOST ALL AMERICANS
(WHO  WERE  ABOVE THE  AGE OF  FIVE)  CAN,  WITH  PERFECT
CLARITY, DESCRIBE WHAT THEY WERE DOING ON NOVEMBER 22,
1
9
6
3
,  WHEN  THEY FIRST  HEARD THE  NEWS BULLETIN FROM
DALLAS, TEXAS, STATING THAT PRESIDENT KENNEDY HAD BEEN
SHOT.
ON  THAT DAY IN  NOVEMBER,  WHICH  WAS A TYPICALLY WARM
SOUTH  FLORIDIAN  DAY,  MY HUSBAND (FRANK  STURGIS)  AND I
WERE  IN  OUR  BEDROOM.  MY MOTHER  WAS  IN  THE  FLORIDA
ROOM  WATCHING  TELEVISION. I  RECALL MY MOTHER  RUNNING
INTO  OUR  ROOM  DECLARING  THAT PRESIDENT KENNEDY HAD
BEEN  SHOT. MY MOST  VIVID  RECOLLECTION IS THE EMOTION  I
FELT:  DISBELIEF  AND
ANNOYANCE
WITH  MY
MOTHER:  FOR
SURELY SHE  HAD  MISUNDERSTOOD OR  GOTTEN  HER FACTS
CONFUSED. SUCH THINGS COULDN'T HAPPEN. BUT FRANK AND I
WENT IMMEDIATELY TO  THE  FLORIDA  ROOM  TO  LISTEN  TO  THE
TELEVISION. AS SOON AS WE REALIZED THIS PRONOUNCEMENT
WAS TRUE, FRANK LEFT THE HOUSE. I STAYED AT HOME, GLUED
TO THE  T.V.  UNBELIEVING  (LIKE PROBABLY EVERYONE ELSE IN
THE  COUNTRY AT THE  TIME)  AND YET MESMERIZED  BY WHAT
WAS BEING BROADCAST.
MY NEPHEW, JAMES A.  HUNT,  JR.  WAS  LIVING  WITH  US  WHILE
ATTENDING  HIS  FIRST YEAR  OF  COLLEGE  AT MIAMI  DADE. I
HONESTLY DO NOT REMEMBER WHAT TIME HE RETURNED HOME





FROM CLASSES,  ALTHOUGH  IT WAS PROBABLY EARLY IN  THE
AFTERNOON.
I  DO  REMEMBER  THAT MY NEPHEW AND GONE  EARLIER  IN  THE
WEEK  TO  MIAMI  INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT TO  BE  AMONG  THE
THOUSANDS  WHO WELCOMED  PRESIDENT
KENNEDY ON  HIS
STOP-OVER  IN  MIAMI  PRIOR  TO  A FLIGHT TO  DALLAS,  TEXAS.  I
ALSO  REMEMBER,
QUITE
VIVIDLY,  FANK
(sic)
AND
MY
(sic)
WATCHING  TELEVISION  THAT SUNDAY AFTERNOON,  NOVEMBER
2
4
, 1975 (sic) WHEN LEE HARVEY OSWALD WAS BEING ESCORTED
THROUGH A DALLAS POLICE STATION AND WAS SHOT AND KILLED
IN VIEW OF MILLIONS OF TELEVIEWERS.
THIS  MUCH  I  CAN  ATTEST
TO:
AT  THE  MOMENT
OF  THE
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY MY HUSBAND -
FRANK A. STURGIS - WAS WITH ME IN OUR HOME AT 2515 N.W. 122
STREET, MIAMI, FLORIDA. JANET STURGIS.
Janet Sturgis lied in order to provide an alibi for her husband. Her affidavit conflicted
with that  of James  Hunt. The Rockefeller  Commission did  not  mention this  conflict,
however the Rockefeller Commission concluded: "It cannot be determined with certainty
where STURGIS actually was on the day of  the assassination." This conclusion was
derived from the fact that: "All witnesses directly supporting the presence of STURGIS
in Miami, Florida, on the day of the assassination are family members or relatives. Less
weight can be assigned to the testimony of such interested witnesses..."
STURGIS' SECOND ALIBI
During his deposition in 1978 in the course of HUNT v. WEBERMAN, STURGIS was
asked if he was watching television at 1:30 p.m. (12:30 p.m. in Dallas)? STURGIS: "I
don't remember, so many years ago, I don't recall, I think it was on all stations..."
Q.
What were you doing about 12:30 p.m. on November 22, 1963?
A. On November 22, 1963, at about 12:30 p.m., I was at a party at my
home in  Miami,  Florida,  with my  wife Janet  Sturgis,  my mother-in-law,
Elizabeth Hunt, and my nephew, who was at my home at that time, James
Hunt.
Q.
Where was this home located?
A. 2515 N.W. 122nd Street, Miami, Florida, 33167.
Q.
Is this the same home you maintain today?
A. Yes sir.



Q.
Can you describe your  movements  on that  day,  to the best  of your
recollection?
A. Not really; it was so many years ago. I was at home, I did not go out. I
have other people with the Federal Government that do have on record,
that could testify or have already testified that I was in Miami on November
2
2
, 1963...I have nothing to hide. The Federal Government knows of my
activities, knows where I was at on that particular day of the assassination,
and I am quite sure that the government - as far as I'm concerned - is well
aware of who is behind -- if there was a conspiracy, I believe there was a
conspiracy -- and they are well aware of who was behind the conspiracy.
Q.
November  22,  1963, was  a working day.  Were you working at  that
time?
A. Most likely.
Q.
Did you have any reason for not being at work that day?
A. Friday? No reason.
Q.
What were you doing that day? You say you don't remember. Do you
remember --
A. I don't recall.
Q.
Do you remember talking to a Mr. Michael Canfield, the co-author of
this book?
A. On that day?
Q.
About the events of that day?
A. Yes.
Q.
Do you remember what you told him?
A. Not really, it's been so --
Q.
Could you have told him you were watching television?
A. Possibly yes, yes. As a matter of fact, I think my mother-in-law told me
the President was assassinated.
Q.
Were you watching television around 12:30 in the afternoon that day?



A. I don't remember; so many years ago. I don't recall.
Q.
So you wouldn't remember what program was on?
A.  I  think  it  was  on all stations.  It was  a continuation that  day of the
assassination.
STURGIS said that he was at home on November 22, 1963, watching T.V. and, at the
same time, at work that day. He was asked: "Do you remember what you were doing for
a living at the time of the assassination, what your job was or how you earned your
living?" He responded: "That's quite a long spell. I would have to really wrack my mind
to find out at that particular time what I was doing. Right at the present time, I don't
know; but I could, you know, through records and so forth...I could look through them
and tell you what I  was  doing that  particular time...[I was] at  home that  day and did
leave the house." STURGIS was asked:
Q.
Are there any other  witnesses besides your immediate relatives and
Geraldine Shamma, to verify your whereabouts on November 22, 1963?
A. Yes.
Q.
Who are they?
A. William Johnson, we call him Bill Johnson.
Q.
Where is he?
A. He lives here in San Souci Estates in Miami, Dade County.
Q.
Do you know anybody else?
A. His telephone number is 305-893-6013. Jim Buchanan, as a matter of
fact, I believe Jim Buchanan came to my house on that date of November
2
2
, 1963, him and I went off the day of the Kennedy assassination.
Q.
Anybody else you remember?
A. Geraldine Shamma, Jim Buchanan, William Johnson, my nephew, Jim
Hunt.
Q.
What did you tell the Rockefeller Commission?
A. The same thing.
Q.
But the Rockefeller Commission said your witnesses were only close
relatives.



A. I'm sorry, you're right. I glad you brought that up because just recently,
because of all the publicity, people did contact me and tell me, "Hey, you
remember this, this, this? If you need any help, fine." Well, I told Fonzi and
Fonzi supposedly , I'm not sure whether he had already been in touch with
these people or not, but he is aware of these people I came across. So I
turned it over - -
STURGIS said he had seen William Johnson and Geraldine Shamma that day but he
was  unable to recall the identity of any impartial  witnesses.  In June 1993 William
Johnson was asked whether or not he was with STURGIS that day: "I was not there, no
sir. I was not there."
Attorney Mark Friedman asked STURGIS:
Q.
Were you with HOWARD HUNT on November 22, 1963?
A. I don't recall.
Q.
"Yes"or "No"?
A. No. If I don't recall why should I say "Yes" or "No"? I don't recall it.
Q.
Were you involved in a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy?
A.  Never  in  my  life.  That  is  part  of the polygraph.  The United States
Government  knows  where  I  was on November  22,  1963.  They know
where  LEE HARVEY OSWALD was  three weeks  to the day of  the
assassination,  working at  the book  depository.  There  is  a witness  that
knew his  whereabouts  every day three  weeks  before.  As  far  as  I'm
concerned I don't see how in the hell LEE HARVEY OSWALD could be in
Miami riding with Marita Lorenz to Dallas, Texas, who she calls OZZIE, is
the biggest fabrication of a lie she ever said in her life. I don't know how
she could do it. Let her take a polygraph test.
A SUSPECT: NOVEMBER 23, 1963
On the morning of  November  23,  1963,  a FBI agent  interrogated STURGIS.  The
Michael Canfield interview revealed:
A. Hey I can show you a clipping where they say I was involved in the
assassination of President Kennedy.
Q.
Who said this?
A.  Newspapers,  I  even got  investigated by that  Watergate thing.  They
asked me where I was. I told them I knew nothing about it. I was home



watching television. They felt the CIA might be behind it. So they wanted
an investigation of E. HOWARD HUNT and myself on the assassination of
President Kennedy. What the hell do I got to do with the assassination of
President Kennedy? I may have disagreed with his policies and so forth,
but that doesn't warrant killing the President of the United States. And they
asked me about other attempted assassinations. I said yeah, Cuba. Some
people say that if you attempt to assassinate people outside of the United
States, wouldn't you be capable of the assassination of the President of
the United States? I said, "Well, the thought never entered my mind." But
I'm capable of doing many things. I'm that type of a man.  But I see no
grounds  for  me doing something like that. You know,  he was  my
Commander-in-Chief.
Q.
What about other people in the CIA?
A. The CIA had a lot of different factions, some of which I didn't trust.
Q.
Are you convinced the Warren Commission Report was correct?
A. On what?
Q.
On the Kennedy assassination.
A. Let me tell you something about the Report. Nobody knows what's in
that Report.  Only what they wanted to give out. And I don't believe the
report  is  complete.  I  think
there  is  a
conspiracy
involved
in  the
assassination of President Kennedy and they covered it up.
Q.
Who do you think did it?
A. I don't have the slightest idea. But I think LW¶V one big cover-up.
Q.
That's strange they would investigate you for that.
A. Well, they sure did. I had FBI agents over at my house.
Q.
For the assassination?
A. Yeah.
Q.
When, right after it happened?
A. Right after it happened.
Q.
Why did they come to you?



A.  I asked them that. They told me I  was one person they felt had the
capabilities to do it. Heh, heh, heh. They said: "FRANK, if there is anybody
capable of killing the President of the United States, you're the guy that
can do it." Heh, heh, heh that's funny I told them, "I'm not mad at you or
nothing, I had nothing to do with it, but that amuses me..."
STURGIS also told Canfield: "You have to look at my past. I've done a lot of things. I've
been on assassination attempts. I was  involved in  so many things.  Skullduggery,
intrigue, espionage.
Q.
When you say assassination attempts?
A. Well, in foreign countries.
In 1978 STURGIS stated:  "Now the FBI did  make contact  with me after  President
Kennedy's  assassination,  yes...I
was  questioned
by
the
FBI
shortly  after  the
assassination. They did come and visit me and question me about my activities during
President Kennedy's assassination." STURGIS was asked:
Q.
Do  you remember  one of those agents  indicating to  you the following words:
"FRANK, you are one of the few people in this country capable of pulling off something
like this?"
A. No. The agent told me that I was one person in this country that could possibly do
this, if I wanted to.
The
notes
of
Rockefeller
Commission
investigator
Robert
Olsen
revealed:
"Whereabouts November 22, 1963: In Miami, at home, two FBI Agents came to visit
him. Bob Dwyer was one. To find out his whereabouts & to get help. Witnesses: His
wife Janet  Sturgis  (Married since 1961)  wife's  nephew,  Jim Hunt  (Cincinnati,  Ohio,
Attorney)." Robert James Dwyer was one of the FBI agents who questioned STURGIS
on November  23,  1963.  Dwyer  knew HEMMING. STURGIS  was  an informant  for
Dwyer.  STURGIS explained:  "You must  understand that  I  set up an intelligence
apparatus here in the United States...and naturally, this information was turned over to
the United States  Government." Robert Dwyer  never  filed a formal  report  of the
interview. HEMMING said Robert Dwyer told him he had worked with Herbert Philbrick.
DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGN TO LINK OSWALD WITH CASTRO
STURGIS AND JAMES BUCHANAN NOVEMBER 26, 1963
Immediately following the Kennedy assassination James Buchanan, FRANK STURGIS,
JOHN MARTINO and others launched a campaign to blame the Kennedy assassination
on Fidel Castro. The propaganda operation started with an article dated November 26,
1
9
6
3
,  which  appeared the in Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel that  quoted STURGIS:
"OSWALD was in Miami in November 1962 [OSWALD had been in Miami in December
1
9
6
2
] and had contact with Miami-based supporters of Fidel Castro who were agents of



the G-2.  OSWALD  gave out  his  Fair  Play for  Cuba Committee literature,  and Jerry
Buchanan, who was with my group, did tell me there was a possibility that OSWALD
was in the area, and that he had a fight with OSWALD." Buchanan claimed he knew the
name of the printer where OSWALD had his literature printed.
STURGIS was questioned about this during his deposition in HUNT V. WEBERMAN:
Q.
Do you remember Mr. Buchanan giving out a news story that alleged
that LEE HARVEY OSWALD was in Miami in 1963?
A. Oh yes! As a matter of fact, his brother, Jerry Buchanan, was one of the
people that was with my group and Jerry did give me some information to
the fact that he thought there was a possibility that one of the persons,
now,  you must  remember  that during that particular  time there were
hundreds  of Americans  in  the area,  plus  Canadians,  in  this  area here,
trying to make contact with various Cuban groups in order to be involved
against Cuba,  and Jerry did  tell me that there was  a possibility that
OSWALD  was  in  this  area and that he had a fight  with OSWALD.  He
wasn't sure but this was what he told me.
On November 27, 1963, STURGIS told S.A. James O'Conner that his comments in the
article were guesses and speculation, and that he had no hard information. S.A. James
O'Conner sent a report to Washington concluding that STURGIS was unreliable, and
that  his  story had no basis  in  fact. The reports  of S.A.  James O'Conner  in  which
STURGIS linked OSWALD to Fidel Castro were withheld. [FBI 62-109090-63rd NR 172
Hoover] On April 22, 1964, the Director of the FBI sent this message to the Miami Field
Office:
Bureau also desires Jim Buchanan to be interviewed in order to pin down,
once and for all, wild statements concerning alleged activities of OSWALD
in Florida which for the most part appear to emanate from MARTINO and
Buchanan.  If Buchanan uncooperative,  set forth results  in  LHM form
suitable for  dissemination to President's  Commission at  which  time
consideration will  then be given to suggesting Buchanan as  well as
MARTINO  be
subpoenaed
before  President  Commission.  Handle
promptly and surep results. [NARA FBI 124-10035-10367]
The FBI reported:
James Buchanan, former reporter for the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel,
stated he has  no personal  or  firsthand knowledge of OSWALD  or
OSWALD'S activities. He stated his newspaper stories on OSWALD were
obtained from sources he regarded as reliable, whose accuracy he did not
question. He declined to reveal the identity of a printer at Miami whom he
alleges printed pro-Castro literature for OSWALD. Concerning the alleged
fight between his brother, Jerry Buchanan, and OSWALD, he maintains



this information was received from a Cuban named Sanchez, a member of
the organization 'Los Pinos Nuevos,' and has never talked to his brother
about this alleged fight. He says he knows no person who was a witness
to the presence of OSWALD  in  Miami,  but  thought  his  brother, Jerry
Buchanan, should be contacted in that respect. When informed that his
brother  had been contacted and had furnished a varying account,
Buchanan said  he knew only what  Sanchez had told  him.  Efforts  to
identify Sanchez through anti-Castro organization Los Pinos Nuevos,  or
through interview of one Jesus Sanchez, resulted negatively.
BUCHANAN'S SECOND STORY
A second article in the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel stated:
OSWALD  tried to infiltrate several  other  major  organizations  in  Miami,
including the Anti-Communist Brigade, which is headed by Major FRANK
STURGIS, a former Commander in Castro's Air Force. STURGIS said his
outfit turned down OSWALD'S application, because they could not find out
anything about  his  background.  STURGIS told  me,  'We have already
established that he was in contact with G-2 agents while here in Miami.
We are trying to get the billing record from the telephone company. He
called Havana. OSWALD was known to have a bad temper while here in
Miami...His other G-2 connections were in Mexico this past summer, and
in New Orleans, just five weeks ago. We are in the process of checking
out the leads. We already have a few names and places. Men are on the
scene interviewing people who may have witnessed the meeting in Mexico
City and in New Orleans...'" The Miami FBI Office responded: "The Miami
Office does not contemplate interview of Jim Buchanan inasmuch as the
previous  concerning an article by Buchanan,  reported in  Miami report
dated January 25, 1964, in instant caption, reflected that Buchanan deals
in  rumors  an unverified information which  he attributed to anonymous
sources. [FBI Rep. of James O'Conner 4.4.64]



MARTINEZ AND GONZALEZ WERE WATERGATE BURGLARS
Allen Courtney suggested that S.A. James O'Conner interview JOHN MARTINO, but
MARTINO was traveling from city to city on a lecture tour for the John Birch Society.
Instead, S.A. James O'Conner interviewed JOHN MARTINO'S associate, Nathan Weyl,
who told him OSWALD was a G-2 agent.  On December 2, 1963, S.A. James O'Conner
interviewed MARTINO, who told him that a confidential source had told him OSWALD
was  in  Miami  in  October  1962, and made several  telephone calls  to Cuba from  the
home of a suspected Castro double-agent. MARTINO said that  when OSWALD
distributed his Fair Play for Cuba Committee literature in Bayfront Park, Jerry Buchanan
attacked him. In January 1964, MARTINO told one of his audiences that he had special
knowledge of OSWALD.  According to MARTINO, when OSWALD  was  in  Mexico  in
October 1963, he caught a clandestine flight from the Yucatan Peninsula to Havana,
Cuba. S.A.  James  O'Conner  contacted MARTINO a few days  after  he made this
speech.  He told S.A.  James O'Conner  his  source  for  OSWALD'S clandestine trip  to
Cuba was a high official in the Castro Government. On December 3, 1963, STURGIS
supplied the CIA with information on a possible air strike over  Cuba.  [Index Card
(Deleted)-04183] On February 7, 1964, Helene Finan, Chief of the Office of Security,
Security Research Staff, CIA, debriefed Hede Massing regarding her knowledge of the
circumstances surrounding the Kennedy assassination. [CIA 3.26.64 03681; CIA 1288-
1
0
2
2
] Hede Massing, a former Soviet spy who was once the toast of Vienna, had once
been married to Gerhart Eisler, an agent of Moscow. Senator Joseph McCarthy used
Massing to observe the behavior  of American Government  employees  in  Europe.
Massing worked with Roy M. Cohen in this regard. [Senator Joe McCarthy - Richard
Rovere, Torch Books, 1959] The FBI stated: "Massing worked, and might still work, for
the Central Intelligence Agency." [FBI Dallas 100-10461-4075] ANGLETON'S Deputy,
James Hunt, was in contact with Hede Massing. [FBI 3.31.64 Branigan to Sullivan; FBI
105
-
8
2
5
5
5
-
2
9
9
3
, 2464, 2906]





Subject reported on various personalities she heard discussed while she
was  visiting Sylvia  and Nathaniel  Weyl  in Florida from December  30,
1
9
6
3
, to January 8, 1964.
JOHN MARTINO
Mr. and Mrs. MARTINO visited the Weyls one evening when Massing was
present. John Martino and Nathan Weyl are co-authors of the book, I Was
Castro's  Prisoner,  which  was  published in November  1963.  Massing,  at
this  point,  cautioned the writer  to remember  that  all she was  relating
regarding the Weyls remarks were rumors, and or, gossip, and that source
has no means of checking the truth of their statements. JOHN MARTINO
is the individual who carries the stories to Nathaniel Weyl and both JOHN
and Nathaniel are deeply entrenched with the Cuban anti-Castro forces.
MARTINO claims to have a friend in Miami who keeps him well-informed
on Cuban matters.
MARTINO and Nathaniel spoke of a trip that MARTINO had made to Cuba
with an American newspaper  woman,  one Lapin  and two CIA  agents.
Nathaniel  Weyl  did  not  accompany them.  It is  Massing's  opinion that
Nathaniel,  who is  a coward,  just welshed on the trip, but  that he did
finance it. The purpose of  the trip was  to  contact  a Cuban who was
serving as liaison for the four Russian Generals in charge of training and
organizing  the Cuban military.  The Cuban, who met  the group in  the
water, at the edge of a beach in Cuba, told them that the four Generals
wanted to escape and seek  asylum in  the United States.  MARTINO  is
going ahead with a follow-up plan whereby on a given signal, he and a
group would sail to Cuba to pick up the Generals. Weyl is going on a long
lecture tour and will not be able to accompany the pick-up team to Cuba.
LEE HARVEY OSWALD
The Cuban friends  of the unnamed individual  in  Miami  know that
OSWALD contacted the Cuban MI-6 by telephone from a private home in
Miami.  They also  know the man who furnished the information on
OSWALD to the FBI.
From the reports given by the Cubans to this unknown individual, it seems
very definite that  RUBY went  to Havana to make a shady deal with a
creature by the name of Praskin, who works with the Cuban Communists
and who is also tied up with call girls in Cuba.
A friend of Weyl, who ran for the Presidency of Cuba in 1958, shortly will
testify before the Senate Internal Security Committee. Massing says this
information may be confidential.  Sourwine of the Committee,  contacted
Weyl to get in touch with this individual.



[Massing Debriefing 2.7.64 Helene Finan NARA 1993.08.04.18:45:23:780037]
On February 27,  1964, a memorandum from William Branigan to William C. Sullivan
was generated:
CIA  has  furnished a memorandum through Liaison channels  indicating
that  according to a confidential  and reliable source, whose sources  are
unknown, LEE HARVEY OSWALD allegedly was telephonically in contact
with MI-6  (Cuban Intelligence)  from a private home in  Miami,  Florida.
Further allegations indicate JACK RUBY, alleged assassin of OSWALD,
went  to Havana, Cuba, to make a shady deal with 'Praskin'  who works
with the Cuban Communists and was  a dope pusher used by the
Communists; that a friend of the source claims there is more to Marina
Oswald  than meets  the eye;  that  Marguerite Oswald, mother  of the
Subject, is an old line communist and that OSWALD'S return to the United
States was part of a Russian 'gimmick.'
CIA  has confidentially  advised that  source  of the above data is Hede
Massing, a resident of New York City known to the Bureau and CIA, and
CIA has no objection to this Bureau contacting her and advising that the
information furnished by her to the CIA had been furnished to the FBI.
Bureau files  reveal  Massing is  a former  Soviet agent  who defected in
1
9
3
8
.
She has  been utilized by the CIA  and has been a source  of
information of
the New York  Office  since 1947 concerning Soviet
espionage. By letter February 4, 1964, captioned 'Foreign Political Matters
-Cuba - IS - Cuba. New York' submitted information furnished by Massing
concerning JOHN  MARTINO and Nathaniel  and Sylvia  Weyl,  which
information was  similar  to that  furnished by the CIA  in the above-
mentioned memo;  however,  the data concerning OSWALD  and RUBY
above apparently was not furnished to the New York Office by Massing.
MARTINO  has  previously been interviewed by Miami,  at  which  time he
pretended greater knowledge of Cuban affairs than he actually possessed.
He  also  indicated various  statements  made concerning LEE  HARVEY
OSWALD  were  based on information received from unidentified Cuban
aliens,  and
he
no
firsthand
knowledge
or  information
concerning
OSWALD.  The unnamed individual  in Miami  referred to by Massing on
page 2 of CIA memo could possibly be MARTINO.
By airtel February 26, 1964, New York was instructed to immediately re-
interview Massing for all the information in her possession concerning the
OSWALD matter, specifically ascertain basis for all statements made by
her  to the CIA  and immediately set  forth additional  leads  necessary to
definitely pin  down these allegations.  [FBI 105-82555-2464;  Branigan to
Sullivan 2.27.64]



J.
Edgar Hoover initialed and expedited this memorandum. S.A. James O'Conner had
received orders from J. Edgar Hoover:
With regard  to the information furnished by MARTINO, Bureau desires
that MARTINO be pressed to force production of his source in order to pin
down this allegation. If he continues to be evasive and uncooperative on
this point, set forth results of recontact with him in LHM form suitable for
dissemination for  President's  Commission. Consideration with then be
given
to
suggesting
MARTINO  be
subpoenaed
before  President's
Commission. [FBI 105-82555-33199 - page 2 w/h]
On March 13, 1964, S.A. O'Conner interviewed Nathaniel Weyl, who said he
« was not sure of the identity of his source, with respect to the information
that  LEE  HARVEY OSWALD  had contacted the Cuban intelligence by
telephone from a private home in Miami. He said that his source for this
information may have been a newspaper  article written by James
Buchanan.  He  recalled that  Buchanan had quoted FRANK  STURGIS,
described as  an individual  active in  the Cuban situation at  Miami,  as
stating that  STURGIS knew that  OSWALD had made such a call from
Coral Gables, Florida, to the Cuban intelligence office in Miramar, Havana,
Cuba. Mr. Weyl said his source for this information may have been JOHN
MARTINO, who,  in  turn,  may have obtained the information from either
BUCHANAN  or  STURGIS...With respect to the information that  JACK
RUBY had made a trip to Havana, Cuba, to deal with an individual named
PRASKIN, Mr. Weyl stated he had been informed of this by an old friend,
Carlos Marquez Sterling, resident at Washington, D.C...Mr. Weyl said he
did believe that OSWALD had been in Miami, Florida, in the past, and it
was  his  recollection that  Jim Buchanan,  or  possibly the latter's  brother,
Jerry Buchanan, had told  him that  OSWALD  had attempted to infiltrate
anti-Castro  groups  in Miami,  but  had been rejected by these groups
because he was uncommunicative as to his background.  Mr. Weyl said
that it was probably Jim Buchanan who told him that his brother Jerry had
been involved in  a scuffle  with OSWALD  in downtown Miami,  and that
Jerry Buchanan had punched OSWALD. Mr. Weyl said this incident was
supposed to have occurred when OSWALD  was  observed distributing
some pro-Castro literature in  Miami...He said he recalled that OSWALD
reportedly attempted to join the anti-Castro organizations  known as  the
Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (DRE) (Cuban Student Revolutionary
Directorate),  and Unidad Revolucionario (UR) (Revolutionary Unity).  Mr.
Weyl said he had no corroborative information concerning the alleged stay
of OSWALD in Miami, other than the news articles by Jim Buchanan and
contact with Fernando Cabada, described as a leader of UR.



S.A. O'Conner interviewed Fernando Fernandez Cabada, who said he never furnished
information to the Weyls  regarding OSWALD. On March  24, 1964,  S.A.  James
O'Conner re-interviewed MARTINO.
With respect  to information that  Cuban friends  of MARTINO  knew that
OSWALD  had contacted the Cuban Intelligence Service  in  Cuba by
telephone from a private residence in Miami, Florida, MARTINO claimed
this  was  correct  information. He  refused to identify the source  of such
information, claiming that to pinpoint the source could conceivably result in
harassment, if not more serious consequences, to the source or his family
in Cuba.
MARTINO  stated the information concerning such an alleged telephone
call by OSWALD to Cuban intelligence did not originate with his  friend,
Felipe Vidal  Santiago, a Cuban exile active in  anti-Castro  activities.  He
also stated the information had not originated with STURGIS, an American
citizen residing in  Miami,  who has  been engaged in  anti-Fidel Castro
activities, and who headed an organization called the Anti-Communist
International  Brigade. Mr.  MARTINO  stated that  the information in  this
respect had not been received from James Buchanan, although he had
discussed the information with Buchanan. MARTINO  stated he would
contact  his  confidential  source  as  soon as the latter  had returned from
Tampa, Florida, to Miami, expected to be March 22, 1964, and would seek
to obtain his consent to interview by the FBI.
With respect  to the other  alleged information that  Cubans  with whom
MARTINO might have contact had stated that JACK RUBY had gone to
Havana, Cuba, to engage in a shady deal with one (FNU) Praskin, who
was also alleged to work with Cuban communists and be tied up with call
girls in Cuba, MARTINO stated as follows:
This information came in the form of a letter from Cuba, which was shown
to MARTINO by a Cuban whom MARTINO said was named Jose Madero.
He said Madero, a man in his late 30's, had infiltrated back into Cuba as of
December 1963, and was thus no longer available. MARTINO said he had
known Madero when he was incarcerated in Cuba during the period July
1
9
5
9
to October  1962.  MARTINO  said  the letter  was  not  directed to
Madero, but to another individual not known to MARTINO. He said he had
no idea where the letter might now be located. He said the letter related
that  Praskin  had a business  on Sanja  Street  in  Havana,  and that  he
supplied American girls to 'Girlie Shows' operated by Chinese in Havana.
He said the letter made no mention of the nature of the shady deal alleged
to occur between RUBY and Praskin, and did not indicate when RUBY
had gone to Havana or how he had traveled...



MARTINO stated this same source had informed him that OSWALD had
stayed in the home of a pro-Castro Cuban in Miami, Florida, and had paid
this  pro-Castro  Cuban the cost  of a long distance telephone call made
from the home of the pro-Castro Cuban to Cuba. MARTINO further stated
that according to his source, the pro-Castro Cuban, after the assassination
had occurred, made the statement, 'I didn't think it would go this far.' in
referring to OSWALD.
MARTINO said that additional information to establish that OSWALD had
been in Miami was received was received by him from Jim Buchanan. He
said he used to give a lot of stories on the Cuban situation to Buchanan,
and during the days immediately following the assassination, Buchanan,
during a telephone call, told him that Buchanan's brother, Jerry Buchanan,
had a fistfight with LEE HARVEY OSWALD at Miami, Florida, about a year
prior to the assassination. According to MARTINO, OSWALD at that time
was  attempting to get  aboard a boat  [Alexander  Rorke's  Violyn III]  that
was being used by Jerry Buchanan and anti-Castro exiles in connection
with their  anti-Castro  plans.  Mr.  MARTINO told  Jim Buchanan that  he
intended to  use this  information in  his speeches  if it were  true,  and
Buchanan told him to go ahead and do so. Mr. MARTINO stated he never
used the information, however, because he considered it 'confidential to
the government' and he was 'Not fighting that battle.'
MARTINO also told S.A. O'Conner that OSWALD had secretly flown from the Yucatan
Peninsula in Mexico, to Cuba, and that his source had the name of the printer in Miami
OSWALD used to run-off his Fair Play for Cuba Committee leaflets, and even had a
copy of the check OSWALD used to pay the printer. The funds had been withdrawn
from the account of the Miami Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.
The FBI:
The only hearsay readily traceable  to origin  is  alleged fight  between
OSWALD  and Jerry  Buchanan at  Miami about  beginning of  1963.
MARTINO has in the past pretended greater knowledge of Cuban affairs
than he actually possessed,  and has  declined to divulge his  sources.
Instructions  previously furnished Miami  to pin  MARTINO  down and
attempt to press  to force  production of his  source.  During interview on
March  26,  1964,  Jerry Buchanan stated he was  one of a group which
fought with members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee distributing pro-
Castro  literature,  Bay Front  Park,  Miami,  in  October  1962.  Following
assassination,  he recognized OSWALD  as  having  been one of the
members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee which his group had fought.
Also stated OSWALD had been in Miami in March 1963, distributing pro-
Castro literature, and stated his brother, James Buchanan, a newspaper
reporter, has specific information concerning OSWALD'S being in Miami



during these periods. This should be pinned down and run out as above.
[NARA FBI 124-10035-10367]
When the FBI checked Jerry Buchanan's parole records, it found that he was released
from the Florida State Penitentiary on October 16, 1962, and was in Tampa, Florida,
during the period October  21,  1962,  to October  30,  1962. HEMMING  told  this
researcher:
Jerry Buchanan wasn't in the can. He's on the streets. How the fuck do
they know where  he is?  He  might  have been down rolling fags  in  the
Men's Room at Bay Front Park.
On April 7, 1964, S.A. James O'Conner questioned STURGIS again. STURGIS said he
had "quit the IACB because James Buchanan had called John Kennedy a Communist."
STURGIS denied hearing about  a fight  in Bayfront  Park  between OSWALD  and
Buchanan. On April 27, 1963, after many visits from S.A. James O'Conner, MARTINO
told him that his source was coming to Miami for a meeting of Manuel Artime's group,
MRR. MARTINO agreed to approach him on behalf of the FBI. MARTINO was warned
that  unless  this  matter  was  resolved,  he would  be called before  the Warren
Commission. MARTINO'S response was: "What can they do, put me in jail?" The SAC
of the Miami Field Office stated:
As pointed out in referenced Miami teletype, Miami considers MARTINO
to be unreliable.  It is  further  believed that MARTINO  would  probably
welcome a subpoena before the President's Commission, as it would add
to his stature, and furnish him additional notoriety on which to capitalize in
his lecture engagements which he gives on Communism and Cuba. It is
felt,  however,  he would  be as  equally evasive with the President's
Commission as he was with the Miami Office, and there is no evidence to
indicate he could furnish the Commission with anything but  untraceable
hearsay and speculation. [FBI 105-82555-3995]
The FBI  briefly considered having James  Buchanan testify before the Warren
Commission. [FBI 105-82555-2993]  S.A. James O'Conner conducted his final interview
with MARTINO on May 11, 1964. MARTINO told him Cuban exile "Oscar Ortiz" was his
source for his information on OSWALD. S.A. James O'Conner had the Immigration and
Naturalization Service  check  its  files  for  Oscar  Ortiz;  it  found no such person.  The
Immigration and Naturalization Service informed S.A. James O'Conner that MARTINO
had previously furnished it with erroneous information based on a nonexistent source.
STURGIS
told  S.A. James  O'Conner  that  he personally "could  not  remember
OSWALD." In 1975 STURGIS told this to Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission:
Doesn't  ever  recall meeting OSWALD.  Doesn't  know of his  (OSWALD)
ever coming to Miami. Had no part, direct or indirect, with assassination of
the President. Has  made past  investigation of Kennedy assassination.
Thinks  there  could  have been conspiracy...Has  been in  Dallas  several



times. Not at time of assassination. Never met Ruby. Feels LW¶V more than
just speculation. Lots of hatred vs. Kennedy among Cubans. Very good
probability that  there was  a conspiracy.  Some kooks  on Tel. have
something to say about  Kennedy assassination.  Radical  left can't stand
idea that  it was  one of their own that  shot Kennedy.  CIA  can't  control
everybody connected with Agency.  Could  be a question about  contract
agents. Warren Commission was  put  there  to  write the history as
government wanted it - not to tell the whole truth. Thinks there's lots of
evidence, yet, of conspiracy to be found in Miami. Never met any of the
Dallas  Derelicts. Miami  was  hotter  anti-Kennedy place than Dallas.
Cubans there were upper class and middle class. Stole their way to wealth
in Cuba and are now engaged in Cuban crime wave on East Coast. Now
have Cuban crime syndicate in  U.S.  This  was  the group recruited by
Company to overthrow Castro.
When S.A. James O'Conner asked STURGIS if he had another source linking OSWALD
to the G-2, STURGIS referred him to MARTINO. MARTINO'S source did not exist. On
another occasion, when STURGIS was asked for the name of his source, STURGIS
pointed to James  Buchanan.  When James Buchanan was  asked for  his  source, he
pointed to STURGIS. These guys were the Tweed Gang of disinformation.
DRE DISINFORMATION
The second James Buchanan article in the Sun-Sentinel that linked OSWALD to Fidel
Castro also accused the FBI of preventing the DRE from distributing information that
would have supported James Buchanan's initial article. James Buchanan claimed that
certain  members  of the DRE knew of OSWALD'S  visits  to Miami,  and knew of the
Bayfront  Park  incident.  S.A.  James  O'Conner  went  to the Miami office of the DRE.
Everyone there had no knowledge of the FBI preventing the distribution of any of the
DRE's  information on OSWALD,  with the exception of DRE member  Eduardo Diaz
Lanz,  the brother  of  Pedro  Diaz Lanz and Marcos  Diaz Lanz,  who said  he vaguely
remembered the story.  Eduardo Diaz Lanz had brought  STURGIS to the DRE office
several  times  following November  22,  1963,  and said  he may have given him the
information during one of these visits. S.A.  James  O'Conner  again  questioned
STURGIS, who told him that Eduardo Diaz Lanz told him that the FBI prevented the
DRE from releasing proof of OSWALD'S G-2 connections. STURGIS told S.A. James
O'Conner that Jerry Buchanan had told him about OSWALD'S visit to Miami, about his
fight  with OSWALD  in  Bayfront  Park,  and that  OSWALD  had tried to infiltrate the
International Anti-Communist Brigade.
SOLOMON PRATKINS
On December 21, 1963, the Miami FBI Field Office received information that one Hose
Antonio Juan had received a letter from his son living in Cuba wherein it was alleged
that  RUBY had visited a Mr.  Pranski  in Havana in  late 1962 or  early 1963.  On
December 24, 1963, the DRE released a letter from a woman in Havana which stated



RUBY had a meeting in 1963 with Solomon Pratkins, a G-2 agent who used a gift shop
for a front. The FBI reported: "The statement that RUBY visited Communist Cuba last
year, as attributed to a New Orleans Cuban exile, refers to one CARLOS BRINGUIER,
a New Orleans delegate to the DRE." [FBI Memo Rosen to Belmont 2.11.64 44-24016-
1
1
1
0
,  NR 3.9.64,  NR 3.12.64]  On December  24,  1963, the DRE  affiliate in  Cuba
published the Solomon Pratkins story in its underground mimeographed paper, Accion
Cubana, founded in May 1960. [FBI-109-609-6] This periodical was allegedly funded by
Fulgencio Batista. [CIA March 1, 1962 To: C/WHD from Chief of Station WAVE] The FBI
requested by memo dated January 7, 1964, that the CIA attempt to verify this rumor
through sources in Cuba.
On January 9, 1964, ANGLETON received this memo:
9
January 1964 SAS 64-18
MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief Cl/Staff
James Angleton
SUBJECT
Memo received from AMTOUT-1
Attached is  a translation of a memo sent  to Carlos  Marquez Sterling.
Sterling gave a copy of the memo to AMTROUT-1, an SAS/EDE asset,
who passed it on to us. "The Brigadier of Giron, Sr. Evidio Pereira. who is
in constant communication with Cuba, informs the General Delegate of the
Movimiento Patriotic() Cuba Libre, ... news of great importance.
1
.
Notify the Pentagon of this fact: Ruby, the assassin of Oswald was in
Havana a year  ago. He  is  a friend and customer  of  a citizen named
Praskin, owner or manager of a novelty shop for tourists located between
Animas y Trocadero, Paseo dui Prado, in front of the Hotel Sevilla.
This  information,  received in  Miami,  as  noted at  the beginning of this
memorandum, were received by Brigadier of Brigade 2506, Evidio Pereira,
who is ready to verify them. New York, 29 December 1963.
Pereira is probably Evidio B. Pereira Acosta, DPOB 12 March 1927, Graf,
Carrilo, Las Villas, 201-298242, member of Brigade 2506. There are no
SAS traces on Praskin.
ANGLETON  reported to the FBI  on January 30,  1964,  that  an unevaluated and
unconfirmed report of a visit by RUBY to Cuba in late 1962, or early 1963, had been
received from Havana in  the form of an article in  Accion Cubana.  [CSCI 3/779,814]
ANGLETON advised that the allegation could possibly be verified through one Pereira
Acosta who resided in Miami, Florida. [FBI 44-24016-1047] In March  1964,  the CIA
reported that it's source who furnished lists of passengers flying from Mexico to Cuba
could not locate RUBY, Rubenstein, etc. [FBI 44-24016-1222] MARTINO also told the
FBI the Solomon Pratkins tale. On August 2, 1976, after STURGIS revived the Pratkins
tale in the media, the CIA commented:



The Agency reported to the FBI in CSCI 3/779, 814 on January 30, 1964,
that an unevaluated and unconfirmed report of a visit by Ruby to Cuba in
late 1962 or early 1963 had been received from Havana. This report was
actually based on a two page mimeographed newsletter entitled 'Accion'
which was mailed from Cuba in an envelope postmarked December 28,
1
9
6
3
, purportedly by an underground anti-Castro group. This newsletter,
received in Miami on January 13, 1964, by the anti-Castro group known as
the DRE, was widely circulated in the Cuban exile community and was the
subject of a newspaper  article in  the January 29,  1964,  edition of the
Miami News under the headline 'Ruby Visited Cuba -- Exiles Say.' R. Wall
DC/CI/OG.
THE DRE IN MADRID
On December 3, 1963, the CIA reported that on:
1
.
November  27,  1963,  the CIA Station,  Madrid,  received the following
information from Source Two:  On the morning of November  22,  1963,
Amparo  Godinez,  the owner  of  the Marquesa De Cuba bar  located in
Madrid, overheard former Cuban journalist Baston Baquero tell Rosendo
Canto Hernandez, editor of Accion Cubana, that he had received a letter
stating Kennedy would be killed that day.
2
.
Source Two received information on November 26, 1963, from Maria
Manuela  de Canal  whose address  is  Plaza Del  Nino Jesus  No. 6,  2nd
floor, Apt. D, Madrid. Maria Manuela de Canal is a close friend of Amparo
Godinez.  Source  Two en route JMWAVE  area from Madrid and unable
learn further details of alleged conversation.
3
.
Since AMWORLD program requires that any contact between (illegible)
and ODYOKE not be revealed in any follow up on this information, Madrid
Station may wish to center inquiries on Baston Baquero via liaison with
local service.
4
.
Have not passed above to 30FGA Miami.
On December 5, 1963, C/WH 3 cabled the CIA Station in Madrid:
1
.
Please follow up this  case.  Suggest  you have Source  3 question
persons mentioned to see if any foundation at all to this story. Imperative
that Source 1 [Baston Baquero] not be revealed as source (deleted).
2
.
Please slug all traffic on assassination. [CIA 321-123]
SECRET 051645Z
WAVE INFO DIR CITE MADR 9854



RYBAT TYPIC (Deleted) 8ITE AMWORLD]
REF WAVE 8447 (IN 72832) **
1
.
Cuban journalist  line 3 para 1 ref  is  Baston Baquero (deleted).  Staff
Officer  GROWERY saw him on November 26, 1963,  when President's
death was naturally discussed. At no time did  Baston Baquero give any
indication he had any advance word  or  rumor  that  GPIDEAL would  be
killed. If he had received letter reported para 1 or any other information
concerning killing, however, will query him directly.
2
.
No index.
C/S COMMENT: DISSEMINATION APPLICABLE TO RYBAT GRFLOOR
CABLES.
2Q PRUQLQJ RI 1RYHPEHU  ____ RZQHU  RI EDU  ³0DUTXHVD GH &XED´  LQ
Madrid overheard  former  Cuban journalist tell one Canto that  he had
received a letter stating GPIDEAL (3) would be killed that day.
On December 7, 1963, the CIA Station in Madrid sent this cable to C/WH
4:
1
.
Source 1, [Baston Baquero] questioned by Source Two on the night of
December  6,  1963.  Baston Baquero  said "he and Rosendo Canto
Hernandez, Alberto Salas Amaro, and Jose Chelala Lopez after attending
lecture  together  at  Syndical  Palace, Madrid,  entered bar  'Marquesa De
Cuba' at about 8:00 p.m. on the night of November 22, 1963. They were
told by bartender, who was alone at the time, that President Kennedy had
been assassinated. Salas Amaro called his wife who confirmed this, and
group went to UPI office nearby to read the ticker. They later returned to
bar to have drinks and then the group broke up.
2
.
Baston Baquero  said  Amparo  Godinez was  in  the bar  when group
returned,  but  refused his  invitation to drink and left almost immediately.
This was the only time Baston Baquero saw Amparo Godinez during that
day. He did not see him on the morning of November 22, 1963.
3
.
Baston Baquero  said  he received no word,  verbal  or written or even
rumor that President Kennedy would be killed and any allegation that he
made any statement to this effect  at  any time to anyone is  completely
absurd and absolutely untrue.
4
.
Baston Baquero  added that  Rosendo Canto Hernandez,  editor  of
Accion Cubana who is a well-known American hater, was the only person
in the bar to express satisfaction at Kennedy's death. [CIA 345-139, 315-
1
1
9
, 277-105; Allen v. DOD CIA 12129]



CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT'S DISINFORMATION
In mid-January 1964 STURGIS and James Buchanan flew to Panama and Costa Rica
and investigated setting up a training base. The FBI had pressured The Sun-Sentinel
into firing James Buchanan, to insure that no more of his "OSWALD in Miami" stories
appeared. A FBI document dated February 5, 1964, concerning Orlando Bosch read:
Synopsis:  FRANK  FIORINI, admitted associate of William  Johnson,
denied implication in or any specific knowledge of attempted MIRR air raid
December 28, 1963. Dr. Orlando Bosch gave statement to press claiming
that bombs would have been dropped on crowds in Havana celebrating
5
th anniversary of the revolution on January 2, 1964, had not boat been
seized carrying bombs  to secret  base in  the Caribbean. MM T-1 has
advised that  Bosch gave this  distorted statement  to the press  for
propaganda purposes as  MIRR  intended only to bomb (deleted) Cuba.
MM-T1 also  advised that  Bosch is  presently attempting to raise more
money to carry out further bombing raid against Cuba."
The FBI interviewed FRANK:
FIORINI  is  a personal friend of WILLIAM JOHNSON.  About  two weeks
ago
Fiorini  was  with
JOHNSON  at  Broward  International  Airport.
JOHNSON introduced FIORINI to Charles Bush, who operates an airline
charter business at that airport. This was the first and last contact FIORINI
had with Bush. After this introduction, JOHNSON went with Bush to the
ODWWHU¶V  RIILFH DW  WKH DLUSRUW_  DQG ),25,1,  ZHQt  to a nearby restaurant
where he chanced upon Antonio Sansone, a Cuban exile pilot. FIORINI
VDLG WKDW KH GLG QRW NQRZ WKH QDWXUH RI -2+1621¶6 EXVLQHVV ZLWK %XVK_
He denied specific knowledge of JOHNSON being involved in an air raid
attempt in cooperation with ORLANDO BOSCH. He states however, that
KH NQHZ -2+1621 ZDV ³XS WR VRPHWKLQJ´ EXW KH GLG QRW NQRZ ZKDW_
On April  28,  1964,  S.A.  James  O'Conner  interviewed James  Buchanan,  who was
employed by Caribbean Press Service, a subsidiary of the Agencia De Informaciones
Periodisticas (AIP), a CIA front exposed by The Miami Herald. James Buchanan said
that he knew the name of OSWALD'S printer in Miami, but he was sworn to secrecy.
STURGIS associate Victor Paneque supplied S.A.  James O'Conner with a story that
linked OSWALD  to a G-2 agent  named Fernandez.  The FBI documents  about  this
interview listed S.A. James O'Conner as Miami SAC. Richard Davis played a part in the
imaginary scenario of Victor Paneque. The CIA reported:
DDP relationship: A  POA for  PANEQUE's use was  granted the Miami
Station on November 13 1964. The Miami request had stated that he was
to be used "as an infiltree and radio operator. A report of August 10, 1964
stated that he had been infiltrated into Cuba in June 1964 on behalf of the
Christian Democratic  Movement. Whether  he was  used operationally is



not stated in PANEQUE's 201. He was terminated effective October 31,
1
9
6
5
for lack of an immediate operational use.
On February 25, 1964, Cyril B. Hamblett, Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy retired told the FBI
that
Interview for  all pertinent  information concerning MDC plans  to drop
PDJQHWLF PLQHV RQ &XEDQ SRUWV DQG DWWDFN «
While  in  Miami  during the week  of January 13,  1964 Hamblett was
contacted on three occasions  by Jose Ignacio  Rasco who reportedly
seeking assistance,  guidance and financial  help  in  connected with the
proposed dropping of magnetic mines in five Cuban ports. Rasco and his
group,  the Christian Democratic  Movement  (MDC)  are  also  reportedly
interesting in effecting an operation wherein  one plane would bomb
Guantanamo Naval Base; the plane would be imputed to Castro forces,
thereby creating an immediate anti-Castro movement  in  the United
6
WDWHV«+DPEOHWW DOVR VWDWHG WKDW -RVH ,JQDFLR 5DVFR
had told him that
the CIA had approached the Christian Democratic Movement  to offer
assistance to Christian Democratic  Movement  group which  is  in some
Central American country. Hamblett had already furnished this information
to Naval  Intelligence Unit  DIO-3ND.  FBI Bufiles  indicated Hamblett  was
Subject of an Interstate Transportation of Stolen Property investigation in
1
9
5
7
in which prosecution was declined. [FBI 97-4110-102]
A highly deleted document dated April 8, 1964 stated Rosco "told Hamblett that the CIA
agent's  name was  (Deleted as  of 2010)  who made this  offer,  but  nothing has  ever
materialized.  For  info of Bureau Captain John F.  Brownlee is  Chief of DIO  3ND 90
Church Street, NYC." [FBI FOIA/PA #211,326] On March 4, 1964, the FBI disseminated
a lengthy Letter Head Memorandum about the Christian Democratic Movement:
Batista said naturally he has some opposition in the organization. Some
people  consider  him as  being at odds  with U.  S.  Government  policy.
Batista said it  was  his  opinion that  the United States  political  aims  and
foreign policy does not coincide with that of the Cuban exiles. To work with
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), is to work for the U. S. aims and
goals, which are not necessarily the aims and goals of Cuba for Cuban
exiles.
According to Batista, there  is  no mutual  field of interest  between the
United States Government and Cuban exiles. For the U. S. Government to
overthrow the present government of Cuba, is to resolve a United States
problem,  not  a Cuban problem.  If  Cuban exiles  would  overthrow the
present government of Cuba, there would still be many U. S. Government
problems not resolved. Batista said he had in the past visited Washington,
D.
C.,  and conferred with U.  S.  Government  officials  in an effort to



establish a mutual field  of interest  where  Cuban exiles  and the U.  S.
Government  could  work  for  mutual  benefit, without  success.  Batista
charged that  while the U.  S.  Government  complains  there  is  no unity
among Cuban exiles, he believes the United States actually does not want
unity.  He  alleged that  during 1960,  when the Frente Revolucionario
Democrato existed,  and later  became the Cuban Revolutionary Council
(CRC), a unity organization, the CIA still worked against unity of Cuban
exile groups. He said CIA did not work for unity within the CRC, but dealt
with each individual organization on different terms. CIA refused to work
with
the
leaders  of  the
CRC  as  representatives  of
the
several
organizations.  He  alleged the policy has  persisted to the present  time.
Batista stated that military operations from the United States against Cuba
would  probably be continued by himself and other  members  of the
Christian Democratic  Movement. They prefer  to work  in  Miami,  Florida,
area, because of its closeness to Cuba, good facilities for operating boats,
availability of the large number of Cubans to serves as mechanics, and to
do other necessary labor. [FBI 97-4110-86]
On April  7,  1964,  STURGIS was  interviewed by the FBI "in  connection with another
matter." [FBI 2-1499-129 pages  withheld]  On April  21, 1964, U.S.  Customs  Agents
raided the Headquarters of the Christian Democratic Movement and arrested the leader
of the Christian Democratic Movement, Laureano Batista Falla. On April 27, 1964, the
FBI generated a document about the Christian Democratic Movement and the DRE that
was deleted except for the words "U.S. Customs.´ [FBI 4110-104 (?) 4.27.64]
INTERNATIONAL ANTI-COMMUNIST BRIGADE OPERATIONS
STURGIS SUSPECTED CIS AGENT: MAY 1964
In 1964 an Index Card was generated by the CIA concerning STURGIS which read in
part "Ref DBA-82236 September 2, 1964, FIORINI, FRANK; FIORINI, FRED; FRANK,
ATTILE; CAMBELL,  FRANK; ATTILA, FRANK; BONELLI, FRANK.  Suspected Cuban
Intelligence Service  Agent. Manager  of Courteous Motors, Miami,  May 1964." [Corr
Card.  #UFG  2194120] In a deposition related to STURGIS'  lawsuit  against the New
York  Police Department  he said  that  in  the 1960's  he used the name Bonelli  "in an
operation in Central America. It was an operation to do, the operation specifically was to
make commando raids  against Cuban companies." [USDC  SDNY 78 Civ.5113]  The
results of the FBI investigation of STURGIS during the period of December 10, 1963, to
May 13, 1964, were deleted except for these paragraphs:
Information set forth in this report reflecting interview of Subject (FRANK
STURGIS) by S.A. James J. O'Conner is contained in an FD-320 located
in Miami 105-8342, Bufile 105-82555, captioned 'LEE HARVEY OSWALD,
AKA; IS-R-CUBA.' (Deleted as of 2010) Miami is not recommending the
opening of any cases based on (deleted as of 2010) communication. For
the information of  the Bureau, on May 11,  1964,  Wallace Shanley
Assistant  Supervising Customs  Agent, Miami,  Florida,  advised S.A.



Leman L. Stafford Jr that he had conversed with the Subject on frequent
occasions over the past few months. He stated subject has furnished him
very little valuable information in the recent past and felt at this time any
active investigation conducted by the Miami Office would not  jeopardize
the relationship between the subject and Customs. Shanley added that he
is not utilizing Subject as source anymore, though Subject does contact
him
infrequently.
The
extensive
period
of
this  investigation
was
necessitated
by
various  expeditious  technical  matters  assigned
to
reporting agent. (Deleted ± names of informants)." [FBI 2-1499-129]
STURGIS AND AMERICA'S AIR DEFENSE: MAY 1964
The May 26,  1964,  issue of  the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel contained an article
captioned "I Flew Mercy Mission to Cuban Guerillas." The source for this article was
"Manuel Fernandez" who claimed to be a member of the 30th of November Movement
and the International  Anti-Communist  Brigade.  The article stated that  a twin-engine
aircraft took off from a South Florida airstrip shortly after midnight, Monday morning,
May 25,  1964,  carrying cargo of food,  equipment, one hundred and fifty thousand
propaganda leaflets and a complete field hospital. Three persons were allegedly on the
plane which flew a supply mission to 30th of November forces fighting guerrilla war in
Eastern Cuba. On May 25, 1964, the International Anti-Communist Brigade announced
it  had conducted a bombing raid  over  Cuba.  The next  day several  Congressmen
inquired how the International Anti-Communist Brigade team eluded the air defenses of
the United States on its return. The FBI reported:
On May 27,  1964,  Elmo Rainbolt,  Chief Patrol  Inspector,  U.S. Border
Patrol, advised he received a telephone call from Paul Rogers, member
U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.,  on morning May 27,
1
9
6
4
, in which Rogers stated following: Rogers had received information
that an aircraft had asked for, and been given, a checkout inspection by
United States  Border  Patrol on May 25, 1964, at Fort Lauderdale
International Airport. A twin engine Beechcraft then allegedly departed at
1
2
:30 a.m. that date from Tamiami airport, Miami, as a substitute for the
inspected plane. It allegedly returned, undetected by radar, to the Tamiami
Airport  at  4:15 a.m.  May 25,  1964.  Rainbolt said  his  investigation had
revealed no inspection or  flight  plans  were  filed during that  period,  and
there  was  no report  on radar  of any unknown penetration of  the air
defense identification zone...On May 27,  1964,  Arthur  Eno,  head of the
FAA Miami  advised he has  been unable to develop any information
concerning the flight as alleged by Representative Rogers. [FBI Miami 2-
1
4
9
9
NR 180 6.15.64]
On May 26, 1964, the Pentagon told a House Committee that investigations by four
government agencies showed that a reported flight on May 25, 1964, by members of
the International  Anti-Communist  Brigade to Cuba,  did  not  take place,  and was  a
concocted publicity story. The Defense Department issued a press release which stated



that the raid never occurred. [FBI 2-1499-131, 132] The Associated Press reported that
the U.S. Defense Department had the statement of STURGIS in which he said: "To the
best of my knowledge a raid on Cuba on May 25, 1964, did not take place. I declare
that U.S. radar defenses were not violated while leaving or entering the U.S." On June
3, 1964,  United States  Customs, Miami,  advised the FBI that  FIORINI  denied any
connection with alleged flight. A CIA representative told the FBI (Deleted). [FBI 2-1499
NR 6.4.64 p.2] Gaeton Fonzi reported that on May 27, 1964:
Priority telegram regarding alleged air drop into Cuba: FYI Colonel Sam
Kail received a call from General Maxwell Taylor's office on May 26, 1964,
referring to an article in  the Pompano Beach Sun Sentinel regarding
reported air drop over  Cuba...The story reported that the International
Anti-Communist  Brigade,
and
the
3
0
th
of
November  Movement,
collaborated on the flight. Allegedly FRANK STURGIS, Craig Sheldon and
James Buchanan were involved.
On May 28, 1964, the FBI in Miami generated a document about STURGIS and the
3
0
th of November Movement: "For information of the Bureau, U.S. Customs Agency,
Miami, is presently endeavoring to locate and interview (Deleted) concerning the 30th of
November  Organization's participation in  the alleged flight  on May 25,  1964,  over
Cuba." This highly deleted report indicated that a copy of this document was filed in
STURGIS' file. [FBI 12-1499 NR 6.15.64] Circa May 30, 1964, the CIA received a cable
about James Buchanan:
1
.
Miami Herald May 27, 1962 carries front page item by James Buchanan
HQWLWOHG_  ³0LUR )DGHV  $V  ([LOH &KLHI_  7KUHH /DWLQ /HDGHUV  %HKLQG 5D\_´
Article flatly states Miro and council have been replaced by Manuel Ray
with backing Gov Nunoz Marin,  Pres. Romulo Betancourt  and former
3
UHVLGHQW -RVH )LJXHUDV_ WKDW 5D\ KDV WDNHQ RYHU SRVW ZLWK ³EOHVVLQJ RI
WKH 8QLWHG 6WDWHV_´  )XUWKHU  DUWLFOH VWDWHV_  ³)URP YDULHW\ VRXUFHV +HUDOG
OHDUQHG WKDW 0LUR ZDV QRWLILHG RI FKDQJH RQO\ WKLV ZHHN´ DQG WKDW 5D\¶V
UHDSSRLQWPHQW  DV  ³&KLHI LQ  ([LOH´  FDPH IURP ³XQGHUJURXQG LQ &XED´
according to Joaquin Godoy,  provisional  MRP  head in  Miami. After
furnishing resume Cuban activities since origin of AMBUD, article credits
&XEDQV LQ 0LDPL DV VD\LQJ ³WKH QHZ PDQ LQ WKH ILHOG´ LV $GROI_ $_ %HUOH, Jr.
ZKR KDV EHHQ VSHFLDO DVVLVWDQW WR 6WDWH 'HSDUWPHQW DQG LV DOVR ³PHPEHU
RI 3UHVLGHQW .HQQHG\¶V VSHFLDO WDVN IRUFH RQ /DWLQ $PHULFD_´ ,PSOLFDWLRQ
being that Berle is running new United States sponsored Cuban effort.
2
.
This release causing some furor in local Cuban colony to extent at least
one OPS Agent destined for isolation training has asked to be relieved if
the
(illegible)  story.
Meanwhile
WAVE
checks  with
knowledgeable
FRQWDFWV KDV SURGXFHG OLWWOH RWKHU WKDQ :LOOLDP 6_ :LEDOGD¶V VWDWHPHQW WKDW
Buchanan
journalistic  reputation
indicates  he
is  inaccurate
and
sensationalist. AMCLATTER-1 and PASSOVOY attempting to discretly
WUDFH %XFKDQDQ VRXUFH IRU ³8_6_ EOHVVLQJ_´



3
.
Buchanan has previously attacked Miro during the return of Playa Giron
prisoners Miami. Have no real insight info significance these attacks but
believe they could  reflect  Buchanan or  Miami  Herald  attempts  to force
changes in United States posture re: Cuba.
4
.
Expect article will have further repercussions as it spreads. Wish alert
HQS that it may be necessary initiate action discredit Buchanan story as
well as reassure Miro. Will forward suggestions this regard after we have
RSSRUWXQLW\ WR IXUWKHU DVVHV VWRU\¶V LPSDFW_ $QGUHZ ._ 5HXWHPDQ
In June 1964, the FBI received information from its New Orleans office that the Christian
Democratic  Movement planned to bomb Havana's  oil refineries.  [Airtel  To  SAC  NO
From Hoover (97-4110-114) mailed 6.17.64] On July 14, 1964, STURGIS furnished the
CIA with information on a raid planned by Orlando Bosch. On July 16, 1964, another
Letter  Head
Memorandum about  the FBI  Christian
Democratic  Movement was
generated.
Re: MOVIMIENTO DEMOCRATA CRISTIANO
(CHRISTIAN  DEMOCRATIC  MOVEMENT,  INTERNAL
SECURITY,  NEUTRALITY
MATTERS)
MM T-1 who has been involved in Cuban revolutionary activities  for the
past six years on July 7, 1964 furnished the following information.
Laureano Batista Falla continues to be the Military Chief of the Christian
Democratic Movement maintaining headquarters at 1732 NW 7
th
Street,
Miami,  Florida. On April  21,  1964,  representatives  of the Dade County
6
KHULII¶V 2IILFH  DQG the United States Customs Service  raided Christian
Democratic Movement headquarters, confiscated a large amount of arms
and ammunition,  and arrested Batista.  Later  Batista established the
military headquarters at 837 Southwest 29
th
Ave. The MDC continued to
maintain its organization office at 1732 Northwest Seventh Street, Miami.
Batista established the military headquarters  on 29
th
Avenue to have a
point where arms and ammunition could be stored and which members of
the military section could  use to plan infiltration and attack  missions
against Cuba. Batista left Miami Florida with several people and two boats
on about July 3, 1964. He has been in periodic contact with the second in
command of his military action group, Angel Vega. On July 5, 1964 Batista
returned to Miami, Florida, and visited with Vega at military headquarters.
He said he had just returned from three infiltration operations into Cuba
and was accompanied by Victor Paneque, also known as Commandant
Diego. Batista indicated he had returned to Miami for the purpose of trying
to obtain additional arms and ammunition and military equipment for some
of his men who are presently outside the United States, not in Cuba, but
who are  believed to be somewhere  in  the Bahamas. Batista stated the



purpose of his trips to Cuba was to infiltrate equipment and some men.
The two groups  which  he now has in Cuba will eventually form guerilla
bands. At the present time these two groups are living quietly with their
relative in Cuba. They are waiting the time when Batista can supply them
with adequate arms and ammunition, at which time they will form guerilla
bands and go into the mountains. [FBI 97-4110-123 page 3 w/h]
The Christian Democratic Movement was still active from 1965 to 1968. On October 30,
1
9
6
4
, the FBI generated this LHM:
On August 9, 1964 Batista stated he wanted to leave the following day to
visit his military training camp outside the United States. Batista stated he
planned to meet an unidentified person in the parking lot of an unidentified
supermarket in Miami during the night hours, to receive some home-made
bombs,  which  previously
belonged
to
Frank  Sturgis  an
American
mercenary DQG DGYHQWXUHU OLYLQJ LQ 0LDPL )ORULGD« During the middle of
August 1964 Batista was studying a number of detail maps of Cuba. Some
RI WKHVH PDSV EHDU WKH VWDPS ³)RU 2IILFLDO 8VH 2QO\_´ 7KHVH PDSV ZHUH
obtained by Batista from Robert K. Brown, an American adventurer, part
time writer, former University of Colorado student and U.S. Army Reserve
Captain. These maps appear to be classified and are the regular military
PDSV XVHG E\ WKH 8QLWHG 6WDWHV  $UP\« Patria is  a Spanish language
paper published weekly in Miami, Florida. On September 11, 1964, Patria
contained an article stating that  the MDC issued a lengthy document
accusing American agencies of being led by Cuban exile movements that
are split up and divided. The MDC claimed the United States Government
artificially creates  leaders  for  the Cuban exile movements, persecutes
independent  Cuban exile organizations,  and interferes  in  Cuban exile
DIIDLUV_ 7KH 0'& XVHV WKH WHUP ³FKHFN HDWHUV´ WR UHIHU WR WKRVH SHUVRQ RU
organizations which have received financial aid or backing from the U.S.
Government. [FBI 97-4110-132]
In 1968 the FBI conducted a Secret  study of Laureano Batista Falla,  the Christian
Democratic  Movement  and
the Dominican
Republic.  [FBI  97-4623-180 2.27.68]
Laureano Batista Falla died of cancer in 1992 at age 56.
STURGIS: 1965 TO 1967
On February 3,  1965, Bill  Johnson arranged an air strike against  Cuba for  Orlando
Bosch's MIRR. Jack Brooks Wright crashed in Freeport after similar raid on January 17,
1
9
6
5
.
In January 2004 I received this email:
In Nodule 19, you mention a pilot killed in the Freeport by the name of
Jack Brooks Wright who worked for the anti-communist organization. I am
his son. For the record, the twin-engine Beechcraft flying under the radar
mentioned in  the paragraphs  prior  (the May 25th raid)  was  more  than



likely my father's plane (A twin Beech Bonanza). I have heard about my
father's trips into Cuba under the radar for years from my Mother and all
about  the man from the anti-communist  organization who was  stealing
from the Cubans. I have always suspected that my father's crash was not
an accident, but after reading the accounts and knowing what else I know
from my mother and the event around the time of his death, my suspicions
now seem real. He refused to fly for  the organization again and
coincidently crashed several days later February 2, 1965. The day before
someone else flew the raid (February 3rd, 1965). My father also flew into
Mexico  several  times  around the time  of the Ruby flight  and knew the
Cuban route well. I was really shaken up by the article. I found it by typing
in "Jack Brooks Wright" pilot and when shocked when your site appeared.
I am going to do some more research into my father's crash. If you know
anything else, I would appreciate it.
With Respect,
Wesley Brooks Wright
In 1966 STURGIS was employed at the Gulfstream Park Race Track as a bartender,
and had been fingerprinted in conjunction with this employment on March 12, 1966. [FBI
139
-
4
0
8
9
-
1
4
3
5
] In April 1967, STURGIS was involved in a plan to blow up a Cuban
ship in a Mexican seaport. Ronnie Sturgis told the FBI: "I was present when explosives
and detonators were hidden in the body of my father's car at a Miami garage. Orlando
Bosch was there. The car would be placed on a ship at Vera Cruz. It was an anti-Castro
action." On June 28, 1967, STURGIS was mentioned in "FBI File #45-1102, Subject:
Unknown; Attempt to Bomb Freight Boat Oro Verde of Nassau Bahamas Registry, Pier
Three,  Miami,  Florida, October  18, 1966." On September 25, 1967,  the Miami  News
contained an article captioned "Exile Ransom Try Seeks  Swiss  Aid." This  article
indicated that  STURGIS'  organization,  International  Anti-Communist  Brigade,  was
endeavoring to arrange ransom of 500 Cuban political prisoners in exchange for five
million dollars worth of medicines and foodstuffs. Geraldine Shamma joined STURGIS
in attempting to carry out the ransom plan.
Mrs. Shamma stated the committee is comprised of six Cuban woman and
herself,  each of whom were  former  Cuban prisoners  in  Cuba and an
"American anti-Castro adventurer"  FRANK FIORINI. The article related
Shamma announced the ransom had allegedly been pledged by several
anti-communist  Latin American "businessmen,  politicians  and military
men", whose names were being withheld by the committee. Alter stated if
a
favorable
reply
from
Fidel  Castro
should
be
relayed
by
the
Czechoslovakian embassy, ne then "would consider" travelling to Cuba to
start negotiations.
On December  7,  1967,  Mr.  Henry  Taylor,  Office of the Coordinator  of
Cuban Affairs,  United States  Department of State,  advised that  the
International Anti-Communist Brigade had alleged 15 million dollars was



available  for  use in obtaining the release of Cuban political prisoners.
Reportedly,  Shamma has  been in  contact  with the Czechoslovakian
Embassy in  Washington,  and allegedly obtained permission from the
Cuban Government to enter and leave Cuba. Mr. Taylor stated Shamma
had not been in  contact  with his  office  since their first  meeting several
months previously. On December 8, 1967, Shamma declared to Replica
that she would go to Cuba to negotiate the freedom of political prisoners.
According to an article which appeared in this publication on December 4,
1
9
6
7
,  Shamma was  quoted as  saying she was  'prepared for  any
eventuality.'...This article also reflected she had exhibited to a reporter of
Replica a photostatic copy of an answer  from the Czechoslovakian
Embassy, Washington, D.C. stating the Cuban Government was studying
her request. Shamma added she was ready to go to Cuba and personally
talk with Fidel Castro, if that  were possible, in  order to help  rescue the
Cuban political  prisoners.  Benjamin  Alter  [IACB  legal  advisor]  indicated
the two principal members of the IACB connected with this activity were
Geraldine Shamma and FRANK  FIORINI.  They reportedly had financial
supporters  from 12 different  Latin American countries however,  their
identities were not disclosed. [FBI 105-172694-2p]
In 1968 STURGIS met with SANTO TRAFFICANTE. He told the HSCA: "I met him once
in a Miami restaurant in 1968." In July 1968 FIORINI formulated OPERATION SWORD.
The FBI reported:
During June 1968, information was received from various persons in the
Miami area that STURGIS was attempting to organize a mercenary force
to fight  in  Cuba.  STURGIS solicited volunteers  for  this  force  through
advertisements  placed in  South Florida newspapers.  Several  persons
answered the ads  were  interviewed and verified that  they had been
offered
varying
amounts  of
money
to
become
part  of
STURGIS'
mercenary force organized to fight Castro forces in Cuba. (Deleted)
STURGIS associate Ray Sandstrom placed a newspaper ad for adventurers. STURGIS
stated: "I believe Ray flew for the CIA in Broward, Fort Lauderdale. Yeah, I received
information that  Ray was  working for  the CIA." Max Gonzalez,  a close associate of
STURGIS,  screened the applicants. Out  of 60 applicants  11 were  chosen. The men
were to meet in Guadalajara, Mexico, however, when they arrived, they found that the
hotel they were supposed to stay at had been torn down. After two weeks of training in
the mud, they went to Progresso, Mexico. In October 1968, a boat load of mercenaries
commanded by STURGIS left Progresso and headed toward Cuba, but ran aground off
the coast of Belize, British Honduras. The FBI reported:
On October  23,  1968,  and October  24,  1968,  STURGIS  and 12 other
individuals  were  arrested by British Honduras  authorities  on charges  of
illegal  entry.
Various  weapons,  ammunitions  and
supplies
were
confiscated from the group at the time of arrest. FIORINI and his group



reportedly had hijacked a 24-foot yacht, Amigo,  in  order  to transport
themselves and their supplies to a remote island off British Honduras. All
participants  interviewed at  Miami,  and most  admitted knowledge of
participating in a military operation against Cuba. At the time of interview
FIORINI indicated Col. Francisco Quesada, and at least 25 other Cuban
exiles participating in the plan were to rendezvous with the Amigo, but that
the rendezvous  had failed when the Amigo ran aground through the
incompetency of its captain. It was through this accident that the boat was
forced into the port of Belize, British Honduras, for repairs and re-fueling.
No charges were lodged against FIORINI and his group by the U.S. as a
result of this incident. [FBI 139-4089-394]
On October 26, 1968, the Domestic Intelligence Division of the FBI prepared a "TREAT
AS YELLOW" URGENT cable about STURGIS, much of which was withheld:
Previous  data indicated FRANK FIORINI, long-time anti-Castroite and
head of anti-Castro  International  Anti-Communist Brigade claimed his
group would  assist  Guatemalan Government  in  cleaning out  communist
guerillas  in  exchange for  Guatemalan assistance in  invasion of  Cuba.
FIORINI  and some 12 men reportedly recently departed Florida for
Mexico.
Department October  17,  1968,  advised
activities  of  group
constitute possible violation of neutrality statutes and we are investigating.
On October 24, 1968 US Consul, Merida, Mexico, advised group observed
boarding vessel in Mexico and alerted authorities in Guatemala and British
Honduras.
Attached data indicates  our Consul in  Belize,  British Honduras,  has
advised the arrest Fiorini and group. Fiorini claimed group planned landing
in  Cuba.  Attached data was  furnished to by teletype to State, CIA and
military intelligence agencies [Department of the Army, Air Force and to
the
Defense
Intelligence
Agency].
State
was  requested
to
furnish
background data to Consul  in  Belize.  Data is  also  being  furnished to
Internal Security Division, Customs, and Miami Office. [FBI 105-172964-
19
]
STURGIS told the US Counsel that the plan of the group was to land south side of Cuba
DQG HQWHU PRXQWDLQV_ ³&KDUOHV &RQQHOOH ZDV LGHQWLILHG DV -HUU\ %XFKDQDQ_ *RYHUQRU_
British Honduras appears inclined turn all over to Mexican Government. Fiorini admitted
coercion of Mexican Captain who was  handcuffed at  one point during trip. Fiorini
desires return to US and requested lawyer Ray Sandstrom and Senator Smathers be
DGYLVHG_´ 7he FBI had checked on STURGIS with its representative in Mexico City. The
representative cabled "brief,  descriptive data on the International  Anti-Communist
Brigade" to the U.S. Consul in Belize. [FBI 105-172694-37] The FBI noted the departure
of STURGIS from Belize aboard TACA Airlines on October 31, 1968. [FBI 105-172694-
3
0
, 31 FBI 105-172694-29 ± 35 NARA Record Number: 124-10302-10152]



THE NATURE OF THE MISSION
Was STURGIS involved in an attempt to hijack a Soviet freighter and ransom it for the
U.S. spy ship Pueblo and its crew? STURGIS told Paul Meskil:
The men were told it was to be a commando raid into Cuba to free political
prisoners  from Castro's  concentration camps.'  To  lend credence to his
story, STURGIS displayed a map showing the locations of Cuban prisons
and prison camps. He also had a list of prisoners who supposedly were to
be freed.  None of  the men,  not  even Gonzalez,  were  told  of the real
objective.  'This  operation was  planned months  in  advance.  The CIA  in
Miami was aware of it. So were several other federal agencies, including
the FBI and Customs.  The objective was not  to raid Cuba,  but  to
rendezvous  with another  ship  off the coast  of Mexico  and,  with the
assistance of this ship, seize a Russian vessel. We were to meet a Cuban
vessel.  I  assume it  was  a naval  vessel,  commanded by Cuban navy
officers who were disenchanted with Castro. The orders for completing the
operation were  aboard the Cuban ship. The captain  also  had a sailing
schedule listing arrivals and departures of all Soviet and Communist bloc
vessels  in  the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico. We hoped to grab  a
Soviet fishing trawler  that  was  actually a spy ship. This  ship was  to be
intercepted by the Cuban vessel. The captain of the Soviet ship probably
would  not  be suspicious  of a boarding party wearing Cuban Navy
uniforms. We would then capture the ship. We were to take it off the coast
of Venezuela. The orders were not to go into any port, but to stay off the
coast. Certain officials in the Venezuelan Government were aware of the
plan. They would participate in negotiations for the release of the captive
ship and crew. A statement would be issued to the effect that we wanted
to exchange the ship and crew for certain political prisoners in Cuba. But
this was a ruse. Then we would go into the second phase of the operation
-
to dicker with the Russians and the North Koreans for the release of the
U.S.S. Pueblo, its captain and crew, who were still in confinement at this
time.'
The FBI reported:
STURGIS had plans to lead his army to a rendezvous in the mountains of
Mexico  and from there proceed to Guatemala. STURGIS claimed the
Guatemalan Government  would  be assisted by his  organization in
cleaning out Communist guerillas from the hills of Guatemala. When this
accomplished,  Guatemalan Government  supposedly had promised to
assist STURGIS in a planned invasion of Cuba.
Max Gonzalez claimed OPERATION  SWORD was  a mission to assassinate Fidel
Castro.  On July 25, 1975,  an unidentified component  of the CIA  prepared this
Memorandum for the Record on Max Gonzalez (No Security File):



One Max Gorman Gonzalez,  who may be identical  with the name of
interest, circa early June 1975 stated publicly that he planned to sue the
CIA for involving him in what he charged was a plot headed by Watergate
burglar FRANK STURGIS to assassinate Fidel in  1968. Apparently Max
Gorman Gonzalez is basing his suit on recent claims of FRANK STURGIS
that he, STURGIS, has been a long time CIA employee. STURGIS' claim
of CIA employment is not supported by security records. Gonzalez claims
that  he was  used unwittingly,  without  his  consent  or  knowledge,  by the
CIA. Gonzalez claimed use by this  Agency vis  STURGIS  apparently
involves the arrest in October 1968 of STURGIS, GONZALEZ and several
other individuals connected with STURGIS' International Anti-Communist
Brigade while they were attempting to invade Cuba in contravention of the
Neutrality Act.
In November 1968 the FBI questioned Max Gonzalez (born December 29, 1929; aka
Max Gorman)  about  this  aborted operation. He  told  them:  "It was  a CIA  operation.
STURGIS was a CIA agent at the time, although his employment was not supported by
Security records,  and may still not  be. He was  in  contact with other CIA  agents  in
Guadalajara and Mexico City. STURGIS never told me what our real mission was, but I
knew it  was  important to the Agency." The FBI  generated a message about the
International  Anti-Communist  Brigade dated October  26,  1968.  [CIA  FOIA F81-0351
D0532] Due to Senator George Smathers pulling some strings, no federal indictments
were sought against STURGIS or his group, however Max Gonzalez was arrested on a
outstanding warrant  for  bad checks.  [FBI  105-172694-34] The FBI questioned Max
Gonzalez at Miami International Airport:
He has been involved actively in the IACB for about four years. He that, to
his knowledge, FIORINI is the only IACB leader, although he feels for the
operation which  ended abortively at  Belize,  British Honduras,  FIORINI
must have been working  with some other  group of  persons outside the
IACB as FIORINI does not have the finances or organizational ability to
mount such an operation. Upon reflection, however, he conceded that the
cash outlay for this venture had been minimal in that the men were not
paid for their services, furnished their own transportation, and, for the most
part,  their own food, lodging and equipment. He  also  indicated on
reflection that the organizational work for the operation had actually been
very slipshod and amateurish.
He  said  that  any indication by FIORINI  that the true leader  of the
expedition was a Colonel Francisco Quesada would be, in his opinion, a
falsehood. He said he believes Colonel Quesada does not exist, but is a
fictitious scapegoat upon whom FIORINI would place responsibility for this
operation in the event it misfired. In support of this, he read from a leaflet
concerning Quesada which  had been furnished several  months  ago by
FIORINI to those persons who had answered a newspaper ad calling for
volunteers  to fight  Communism in  Latin America.  This  leaflet  described



Quesada as a Latin, born in Argentina, who had seen action in four wars,
had served in all branches of the services, was a pilot, and an expert in
conventional, guerilla, and counter-guerilla warfare. Quesada was further
described in the leaflet as the "prime organizer of the underground in Latin
America.  A  price of  $100,000 has  been placed on his  head by a
communist government which sent agents to kill him and his associates.
He has been captured and tortured by two foreign armies...At the present
time he is traveling throughout Central and South America and is raising
funds to form a mercenary army to fight the communists throughout the
Americas..." He said that based on these similarities in the backgrounds of
FIORINI and Quesada whom, to his knowledge, no one but FIORINI has
ever  seen,  he feels  that  Colonel  Francisco Quesada is  a fictitious  and
idealized FRANK FIORINI.
He said that the IACB plan before leaving Miami was to train in Guatemala
for  approximately six  weeks,  then to proceed by boat  to Cuba on
November 1, 1968, and to conceal themselves in a pre-arranged Sierra
Maestre Mountains, Oriente Province, hideout until next January 1, 1968,
when a raid to capture political or military prisoners would be carried out,
these
prisoners  would  later
be
exchanged
for  Cuba-held
political
prisoners. He said the he, and all the others involved were aware of this
general outline of the planned operation before departing from Florida or
in small groups. He added, however, that he was not to participate in the
Cuba phase of the operation. His part, he said, was to furnish his Spanish
language ability during the training period in Guatemala and give Spanish
lessons  to those in  the force  who did  not speak  Spanish. He  was  to
remain with the volunteer group until their departure for a sea rendezvous
with a craft which  would  take them into Cuba.  He was  to return  to his
Florida home.
He said that the plan to train in Guatemala had to be changed because it
was  learned,  after  the IACB  arrived in  Mexico, that  communist  guerilla
activity in Guatemala was too intense at the time to permit training activity
to be undertaken there,  although he spent several weeks in Guatemala
reconnoitering, escorted by an unknown Indian guide, who was paid for
his services, and had no connection with the IACB. He added that to his
knowledge,  none of the other  members  of the IACB  group entered
Guatemala.
He recalled that he departed Miami in behalf of the IACB operation alone
on August 16, 1968, by Greyhound bus, to Harlingen, Texas, where an
undisclosed man picked him up,  by pre-arrangement  in  Chevrolet with
Florida license plates. He and his companion, who he declined to name,
entered Mexico at Matamoros, near Brownsville, Texas, on approximately
August  22,  1968.  He said  that he entered Mexico  as Max Gorman and
showed the Mexican border guards a Florida drivers license in that name.



He said that he had purchased the drivers license, already filled out, in
Florida several weeks previously especially for this operation. He declined
to furnish the name of the person who sold him the driver's license.
He said that he and his companion proceeded inside Mexico to Ciudad
Mante for  about  two days,  then the driver  of the car  went  his  separate
way. At Oaxaca, he picked up an M-1 carbine and some ammunition from
an undisclosed person,  then proceeded by bus  to San Christobal  Las
Casas. He looked over this area for a possible base camp, but did not find
a suitable site. He then proceeded to Comitan, again by bus, where he
met  three others  of the IACB  group.  From Comitan,  he proceeded into
Guatemala,
accompanied
by
an
Indian
guide,
as
previously
mentioned...Upon his return, he found an IACB base camp already set up
outside Comitan, about one mile from the Guatemalan border.
He  said  that  the base camp near  the Guatemalan-Mexico  border  was
broken up about October 23, 1968, no real training actually having been
conducted, and those, number no disclosed, encamped there had proceed
to Merida.  This  encampment  was  called Camp Sand,  in contrast  to the
mountain encampment which had been called Camp Mud.
Around October  28, 1968, they boarded the Amigo,  a Mexican charter
fishing boat, at Progresso, and head to sea for a rendezvous with another
craft. The others were to transfer to the second boat and proceed to Cuba,
while he was to return to Progresso in the Amigo then return to Florida. He
said he had no information concerning the second boat or its passengers.
He said the captain of the Amigo was not intimidated in any way, was paid
in  Mexican pesos  the equivalent  of about  $250 American money,  and
cooperated fully with the he IACB group in  attempting to affect the sea
rendezvous with the second craft. He said the problem was that FRANK
FIORINI  was  too secretive with the Amigo Captain about  their sea
destination as regards the course which had to be set to reach it. He had a
feeling that they were a little early and that FIORINI was directing a zig-
zag course as a means of delaying their arrival at the rendezvous point. At
any rate,  the Amigo ran aground on the Turneffe Islands  near  Belize,
British Honduras. He recalled that the Amigo captain had warned FIORINI
that he, the captain, was unfamiliar with these waters. It was obvious to
Gonzalez, from previous course settings by FIORINI, that the vessel was
off course  prior  to the grounding,  but  FIORINI  insisted on directing the
movements of the Amigo.
He said that the Amigo had to limp into Belize as a result of the grounding
for  refueling and repairs.  At  Belize,  those aboard  the Amigo were
detained, after  several  inspections  by British Honduras  Customs  and
Immigration authorities. These and the expedition members who had been



left near the site of the grounding, awaiting the return of the Amigo, were
eventually charged with illegal entry into British Honduras and were jailed
at Belize. Their arms and ammunition were seized and, after a hearing at
Belize on November  1,  1968,  all were  ordered  deported from British
Honduras.
He said that contrary to public reports, no automatic weapons were seized
by British Honduras  authorities,  nor  were  any in  the possession of the
IACB group at any time, to his knowledge. He added that he carried no
arms or ammunition of any description into Mexico with him and knows of
no other  IACB  member  who transported arms  or  ammunition from the
United States into Mexico.
He  says  he knows  of  no stolen or  rented cars  possibly involved in  the
IACB Operation and added that he had only seen one car in use in Mexico
by the group. He declined to describe this car, but said that it was not new,
and apparently belonged to one of the International  Anti-Communist
Brigade members.
He  said  that  he had not  been issued,  in connection with this IACB
operation,  a
blank  birth
certificate,  United
States  Army
honorable
discharge papers, or a blank Florida Motor Vehicle Certificate of Title, and
knows nothing of any of the others being issued any of these documents...
He  said  that  he had considered the possibility  that  the whole  operation
was  a hoax perpetrated by FIORINI  as  a means  of  obtaining publicity.
However,  he has  been unable, since the British Honduras authorities
arrested the group, to extract any information from FIORINI which might
substantiate this theory. He continued that if the operation was a hoax, he
had been completely  taken in  as,  until  the past  few days,  he was
convinced that the expedition had a landing in Cuba as its objective and
that a rendezvous with a second boat would have taken place had it not
been for the Amigo running aground.
He said that due to his participation in the IACB operation he had missed
a Miami  court  date regarding non-payment  of a long overdue bill  for
newspaper advertising in connection with a former business venture. He
said he expected to be arrested by the Dade County Department of Public
Safety in  connection with this  court missed date,  but  he felt  that
satisfactory arrangements could be made for a new court date without his
being jailed in  the interim.  The following  description of Gonzalez was
obtained from interview and observation: Height 5'6"; Weight 130 pounds;
Hair  brown,  receding at  temples; Eyes  blue;  Characteristics:  Broken,
discolored teeth.



DAVID ATLEE PHILLIPS stated that Cuban exiles in Florida, with no connection to the
CIA, planned to "slip ashore into the United States naval base at Guantanamo, Cuba,
and launch their attack against Castro from there." PHILLIPS informed the CIA of the
plot and when a wire service carried an account of this story,
I had a reaction from Florida. A man named Maxim Emilio Gonzalez told
Associated Press in  Miami that  he planned a multi-million dollar lawsuit
against the CIA because he had been 'thrown to the wolves' by the CIA
when
an
assassination
plot
he
was
involved
in
had
to
be
aborted...STURGIS said  the scheme was very  possibly OPERATION
SWORD, in which he had conspired with Gonzalez. [PHILLIPS Nightwatch
pp. 284, 208]
HEMMING  told  this  researcher:  "OPERATION  SWORD was  a lot of  STURGIS
horseshit. Heh, heh. Bethel told PHILLIPS about it." STURGIS wrote: "1963 travel and
business  (operation sword)  Mexico  and Honduras." STURGIS  told  Paul  Meskill  the
recruits used in OPERATION SWORD "were to provide their own transportation." The
men rented cars using the false identification provided by STURGIS. STURGIS' men
sold  these cars  in  Mexico. Six months  after  STURGIS  and company ran aground,
Robert Curtis, a member of STURGIS' group, was arrested for automobile theft. It took
a Broward County jury 20 minutes to convict Curtis of the unauthorized use of a car, a
crime for which he went to jail. According to the indictment of STURGIS and his co-
defendants as prepared the U.S. A. Robert Rust in 1973, Curtis's rented car was one of
at  least  three Florida cars  the entered Mexico with STURGIS'  self-styled army.  Max
Gonzalez drove another one. By October 7, 1968, the indictment stated, the Floridians
traveling in various cars had regrouped in Guadalajara, Mexico. According to Curtis, the
cars disappeared and STURGIS' Brigade hung around a Mexican motel. Then Curtis
said, he and Richard Brown were told  that  "we had to go back  to Texas  and rent
another  car.  FRANK  had a typewriter  with a leather  case.  Sewn into the case were
Florida license tags, blank titles, birth certificate forms and blank registration forms. With
the typewriter kit and a Gulf Oil Credit card in the name of Charles Connell, Curtis and
Brown went to Brownsville, Texas, and rented another car. We put on the Florida tag
and threw away the Texas  tag.  Then we drove the car  into Mexico." Curtis  also
contended that the Captain and the First Mate of the Amigo were forced to sail when
STURGIS wanted them to sail because they were  held  at  gunpoint. [Miami  Herald
9
.7
.
7
3
] Less than a week later, according to the indictment, Curtis was at it again on
orders from STURGIS and Buchanan. STURGIS had issued false ID to his recruits so
that they could rent cars that were to be abandoned in Mexico, not sold, however, some
of STURGIS' men sold the cars in Mexico or retained them. Curtis testified: "I had a
number of blank duplicate Florida titles, Registration Cards, Birth Certificates, Drivers
Licenses, that I obtained from FRANK STURGIS."
HEMMING told this researcher: "STURGIS was a fucking car thief."
On November 14, 1968, the Norfolk Virginia Ledger Star carried an article entitled EX-
CASTRO FRIEND JAILED FISH HEADS, RICH SLIM DIET:



The latest chapter in the running saga of Norfolkian FRANK FIORINO'S
fight with Fidel Castro includes an 11 day stay in a British Honduras jail
where he lost 20 pounds while living on fish heads and rice. It happened
three weeks ago while FIORINI and 12 other Americans were on their way
to make a commando raid  against sabotage targets  on the coast  of
western Cuba. FIORINI stated: 'We left one of our camps on the Yucatan
Peninsula in a 30-foot cabin cruiser called The Amigo. We were supposed
to rendezvous at sea with another boat and transfer the stock of weapons
and medical supplies for a run into the coast  of Cuba. Because of bad
weather, The Amigo ended up on a reef just south of Mexican territorial
waters off the coast of British Honduras. We had to spend the night there.
The next morning we finally got her off with the help of a couple of native
boats. Unfortunately the night on the reef had opened up the seams so
The Amigo had to limp into the nearest port - Belize. There, they began
unloading the rifles and over $1,000 in medical supplies. Then the ship
was taken over by British Army Units. We were kept in jail for four days
before  we had a hearing before  a British Magistrate.  The Chief  of the
Honduran intelligence section asked for a week continuance in order to
investigate further. They continued to keep us in jail during that week. The
jail, incidentally, was 156 years old. I was by myself in a cell four and a
half feet wide, and eleven feet long. We had one meal a day of fishheads
and rice.  Occasionally we got  chicken necks  and rice.  The authorities
apologized they couldn't give us more, but said it was a poor country. At
the end of the week I was brought to the magistrate again. I served as a
spokesman and asked that we not be deported to Mexico as had been
suggested. I knew it was filled with Castro sympathizers there and my life
would be in great danger.
CIA Agent David McLean saw this article and sent it to CIA Agent Harry T. Mahoney:
November 15, 1968. "Dear Harry: Presumably anyone who has been 'making frequent
raids inside Cuba' will be of interest to Dave Phillips & Co. Hence I enclosed another
clipping from my favorite newspaper, The Norfolk Ledger-Star...Dave." [CIA D002224]
The activities of FRANK STURGIS from 1969 to 1971 remained a mystery. In February
1
9
6
9
the CIA had the FBI run a check on him.
THE WHITE HOUSE SPECIAL OPERATIONS GROUP 1971
In early 1971 STURGIS set  up a tax-exempt  church  in  Miami.  During HUNT  v.
WEBERMAN STURGIS was asked:
Q.
Did you start your own church?
A. Why? I had none. Well, I wanted to set up some missions in Central
and South America for  poor  people  in the Andes, and so forth;  but,
unfortunately, Watergate destroyed that.



That year, James Buchanan was arrested entering Mexico with a truckload of automatic
weapons.  In late 1971 BARKER  recruited STURGIS  for  the White House Special
Operations Group. STURGIS:
Well, BARKER again, having contact with him, socially and business-wise,
and what have you, one day, I don't know when he told me, or it might
have been weeks  or  months  prior  to my involvement  with the Special
Intelligence Unit, or my recruitment, he sat down and spoke to me and he
says,  'FRANK, do you remember  'EDUARDO'? Well I  spoke with
'EDUARDO,' and we are putting something together, your background and
so forth. And we would like you to get involved with us again. The same
people as before, the same Americans upstairs who were involved in the
Bay of Pigs. And my name was given for a clearance. And naturally I was
cleared."
Evidence suggested that  NIXON  wanted the same crew who were  involved in  the
Kennedy assassination as  part  of the White House Special  Operations  Group.  In a
Motion for  Discovery  of Exculpatory Information,  STURGIS  asked for  telephone
conversations  between White House personnel  and the CIA,  FBI  in  1971,  1972 and
1
9
7
3
, relevant to his activities. STURGIS also believed that NIXON had discussed his
activities, and that this discussion had been picked-up by the White House recording
system during the years 1971, 1972, and 1973.
ALLEN MICHAEL FITZGERALD
FBI COMMUNICATIONS SECTION
JANUARY 25, 1973
KNR 022 LA PLAIN
8
5
2
PM NITEL 1-24-73 MAN
TO ACTING DIRECTOR (139-4089)
WFO (139-166)
FROM LOS ANGELES (139-306) (P) 3P
Reference: Regarding Boston teletype to Director, January 23, 1973, and
Bureau telephone call to Los Angeles January 24, 1973.
On January 24, 1973, Cheryl Kathleen Fitzgerald, 5312 Kester Avenue,
Apt  2,  Van Nuys,  California,  was  interviewed by  Bureau agents  and
advised she spoke with her  husband,  Allen Michael  Fitzgerald  on
November  27,  1972, while he was  in  custody at  Adult  Correctional
Institute, Howard, Rhode Island. Fitzgerald asked her if she recalled him
telling  her  approximately three years ago of his  meeting of his meeting
with then CIA  agent  JAMES McCORD at  the Century Plaza Hotel,  Los
Angeles, California,  through an introduction by Los  Angeles Police
Department  Detective Gene Scherrer.  She advised Fitzgerald  did  recall



his  mentioning this  meeting.  Fitzgerald  then indicated that  this  was  the
same individual indicted in the Watergate matter.
Fitzgerald  advised that  she and her  husband resided in  Mexico  from
September 1970, through December 1971. While in a hotel restaurant at
Hermosio, Sonora,  Mexico, in  either  October  or  November  1971,  she
recalls  her  husband
walking
to
another  table
and
engaging
in  a
conversation with an individual  she now believes  to have been FRANK
STURGIS. She viewed six black and white photos, one of which was a
photo of STURGIS.  She was  unable to identify STURGIS,  photo 3.
Fitzgerald based her belief that this individual her husband met in Mexico
was STURGIS from a photo she saw in Time Magazine.
Fitzgerald  stated she did  not  write a letter  to The New York  Times,
however, she believed her husband, Allen Fitzgerald, wrote the letter and
she recalls having him tell her on November 27, 1972, that he had in fact
written a letter to The New York Times.
Fitzgerald advised her husband,  Allen,  told her three years ago that  he
had written a letter  to 'Kenneth W. Clawson,'  at that  time a New York
Times reporter, which letter Fitzgerald alleged was used by Clawson to
'gain  a position on the White House Staff.' The letter  was  believed to
contain information regarding narcotics  and political  affairs.  Fitzgerald
stated she never saw the letter.
On January 22, 1973, she received a telephone call from Seymour Hirsch,
New
York  Times,  requesting
additional
information
regarding
her
husband's  connection to [Watergate].  She advised she furnished no
further  information on the subject  matter.  (Deleted)  She further  advised
she is  considering pleading under  Interstate Transportation of  Stolen
Property to charge pending against her in Rhode Island.
Her  former  husband,  Captain  Peter  Lucarelli,  Los  Angeles  Fire
Department, advised he knows Allen Fitzgerald and considers him to be a
con man. Consequently he doubts Fitzgerald's reliability. Report follows:
(Deleted).
THE 1972 CONVENTION PROVOCATION
The 1972 Republican and Democratic Conventions were scheduled for July and August
in  Miami  Beach,  Florida.  In a "Secret, Eyes  Only" memorandum prepared for  USDC
Judge William M. Hoeveler, HEMMING claimed that:
During January 1972 I  was  contacted by FBI Agent  Robert  Dwyer  in
reference to assisting Miami FBI project involving Ed Kaiser and FRANK
STURGIS that  motivated a 1972 meeting with Alcohol,  Tobacco and



Firearms Miami Supervisor Hale for backstop briefing. STURGIS was at
the time a White House/Special  Operations  Group operative,  and was
later arrested at Watergate during June 1972.
In April 1976 HEMMING told Dick Russell:
There were some plans for the convention. I talked to some of the people
participating in it, who later participated in the Watergate thing. Create a
shoot-out  using the Yippies  and the Zippies  and the other  'hard  core
commies' they were so worried about. The people I spoke to were going to
put some of this equipment in their hands, and some in law enforcement
hands,  and use some of the local  vigilantes  to start  a shoot  out.  This
would finally straighten out Washington as to where the priorities were on
overcoming the 'domestic communist menace.'
HEMMING stated to this researcher in 1993:
I get a phone call from Bob Dwyer. I hadn't talked to him in months, since
the NIXON  compound thing.  Some of Veciana's  boys  had a scheme to
have a Cuban Comar fire a STIX missile at the compound. There was a
similar  plan to attack Guantanamo during the Bay of  Pigs.  They were
gonna take out NIXON and put Agnew in power. I told Dwyer that to me it
was all a provocation, and would end up in arrests, and I'm the fucking guy
standing in  the middle.  Czukas  shows  up at  my home to discuss  this.
Shanley should have been there. Czukas asks me to withdraw my license
to export  weapons  to the Guatemalan Congress. A quarter  of a million
dollar deal. When I told my partner, he said, 'That lying cocksucker wanted
me to give weapons to STURGIS who was over here earlier and spilled
the fucking beans.' Czukas was always the domineering bad type of cop
asshole  who was  going to put  us  all away. He  was  a company
motherfucker. I told my partner, 'You know Bob Dwyer. He called me the
other day with the same shit. They're trying to set us up.' Whatley shows
up, I was using BERNARDO De TORRES office at the time. He shows up
with his cousin - here's an ex-felon carrying a badge and a gun. His cousin
was a Lieutenant in the Sheriff's Department in Jefferson City, Colorado.
We meet at the Holiday Inn Motel at the airport. I said 'I'll demonstrate the
weapons to you.' I call BERNIE and tell him to leave the weapon in the
office I'll come over there. We fired it into a phone book behind the office.
We demonstrated the silencer and the whole thing. Whatley wanted me to
sell them to him under  the table. I  told him to get  a letter  from the
Jefferson City Chief of Police saying  he needed machine guns. We
considered this a provocation. The first question that comes up in my mind
is  'Why aren't  they going to Powder  Springs  Georgia  and talking to
Werbell?' They wanted more than one machine gun. My guess was that
they were going to give them to FRANK. They need silenced weapons so
that somebody in the crowd of demonstrators, maybe Kaiser, could crank



off a few rounds. The guys would be told 'Shoot some demonstrators in
the back, drop your weapons, and get the fuck out of there!' Now other
people with silenced weapons would be taking out direct targets. No one
would hear this. The weapons dropped would be the same caliber. They
didn't  want  45 caliber Mac  10's,  they wanted nine millimeter.  The nine
millimeter round was a sonic round. We had to half load the powder to
keep it below supersonic so that the silencer would work effectively. A 45
round is  subsonic.  They wanted a nine millimeter  because they were
going to have thrown down pieces  that  were  the same caliber.  The 45
rounds look like it was government issued to Cubans. If the demonstrators
were found with German World War II souvenirs, Lugars and P-38s, this is
all pawn shop weapons,  readily available. STURGIS was  trying to use
Kaiser as his cut out. STURGIS was famous for waving 'bye-bye' at the
airport. I don't think STURGIS would be anywhere near the scene. That he
got caught (laughs) in the Texas School Book Depository is...everybody
said finally the motherfucker did something instead of sending others to do
it and what do you know? He got caught.
HEMMING said the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms wanted him
to help stop STURGIS  from instigating a shoot-out  at  the Republican Convention,
however,  it  sounded more  like HEMMING  originated the idea,  or  was  a part  of the
scheme. HEMMING told this researcher:
You can't be around this shit unless all hands think you're a player. How's
that? Is  that  the best way to put  it? Will they dump a player? Will they
OSWALD a player? Absolutely.
STURGIS was asked about this: "He's a liar! I'm not aware of these allegations; plus I'm
saying he's a liar. If he made those statements, he's a liar."
CORROBORATION - VINCENT J. HANNARD
HEMMING'S story was verifiable. During the trial of the Gainesville Eight, eight anti-war
veterans charged with having planned violence at the Republican Convention, Vincent
J.
Hannard testified that STURGIS and BARKER tried to recruit him for an operation
against the Vietnam Veterans Against the War. A Miami Herald article on June 8, 1973,
by Dennis  Holder  was  titled "Witness  Says  BARKER  and STURGIS Asked Him to
Discredit  VVAW." It stated that  Vincent  J.  Hannard,  gave sworn statement, June 7,
1
9
7
3
, that in weeks prior to May 29, 1972, he:
« received four telephone calls proposing undercover convention work of
the first  attempt  to break  into Democratic  National  Committee Office at
Watergate.  Each call reportedly came from a different person and each
caller tried to persuade him that it was his patriotic duty to help undermine
VVAW. Hannard said one call was from STURGIS. Hannard said he was
sure this caller was STURGIS, who he had known for more than 13 years.



Another caller identified himself as BERNARD BARKER, but Hannard said
he does  not  know BARKER,  and could  not  be certain BARKER  was
actually calling. Another of the calls purported to be from Guy Hawkes.
Hannard said Hawkes was a CIA agent in Miami several years ago. He is
acquainted with Hawkes  and is  certain  this  caller  actually was  not
Hawkes. Hannard said each caller mentioned the VVAW, and described
the proposed task as covert intelligence and investigation. Hannard said
he turned offers down because he was suspicious of the motives of the
callers. The article pointed out that Hannard was disqualified as a witness
in  a 1971 Miami  narcotics  case because psychiatrists  testified that
Hannard could neither understand the witness oath, nor tell the difference
between truth and lies.  Article also  pointed out  that  Hannard was
convicted in  1962 of  impersonating an FBI agent, but  was  also  an
informant for federal and local police agencies, and was a key witness in
several cases. Hannard occasionally volunteers information to Miami FBI.
(Deleted).
HEMMING  claimed Vincent  J.  Hannard  was  a well-connected Bureau of Narcotics
snitch and a Private Investigator,  who reported to Gene Marshall,  the roommate of
Charles Ashmann. HEMMING said he had attempted to break into the offices of Vincent
J.
Hannard,  and that  Vincent  J.  Hannard  worked closely with STURGIS  and Bobby
Willis.
CORROBORATION -COLSON
When Charles Colson was questioned by Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut, he
said he had seen a CIA file that "mentioned radical activities prior to the convention."
[USDC  SD  FLA.  75-640-cr-PF  Def.  Ex.  4] In 1973 Senator  Lowell Weicker  was  the
target of a break-in. [Summers Secret Life JEH p414]
CORROBORATION - ANGIE BASULTO
Angela  Basulto was  a former  anti-Castro  fighter  who claimed expert  knowledge of
firearms and explosives. Her first husband was Bay of Pigs veteran Jose Basulto Leon.
Jose Basulto, a devout Catholic, had left Boston College, where he majored in physics,
in  January 1960,  to return  to Havana so that  he could join a Catholic  underground
organization.  Basulto was  trained in  Panama as  a radio  operator  then infiltrated into
Cuba prior to the Bay of Pigs. Five of Basulto's fellow infiltrators were executed and
seven
received
long
prison
sentences.
Basulto,  unhappy
with
the
Kennedy
Administration's  lack  of action against Castro,  struck  out  on his own.  On August  24,
1
9
6
2
,  Basulto sailed into Havana with a dozen of his  friends  and shelled the hotel
Rosita de Hornedo, which was full of Russian advisors. Basulto drove to Guantanamo
and climbed a ten foot fence to safety. Jose Basulto was alleged to have been involved
LQ 0F/DQH\¶V /DNH /D&RPEH /RXLVLDQD ERPE IDFWRU\ DQG WUDLQLQJ FDPS_



On July 23, 1963, WALLACE SHANLEY, U.S. Customs, Miami, advised
that on July 19, 1963, Mr. EDGAR  OWENS, U.S. Customs, Miami, had
observed CARLOS EDUARDO HERNANDEZ SANCHEZ, Also known As
³%$75$" at  Miami  in  &  green 1963 Chevrolet station wagon with 1963
Florida license 7E-40.  Mr.  OWENS  observed that  HERNANDEZ  was
accompanied by VICTOR  ESPINOSA  HERNANDEZ  and (First  Name
Unknown)  BASULTO. SHANLEY advised that  HERNANDEZ  SANCHEZ
and ESPINOSA HERNANDEZ  were  two of  the five subjects involved in
preparations for a bombing raid in June, 1963 against a Cuban oil refinery
when they were detained and seizure of their plans and bombs was made
by U.S. Customs in a rural area of southwest Miami.
Either the reporting agent or Shanley got confused about the location of the bust. The
FBI reported:
ESPINOSA admitted telephonic contact with about 12 Cuban pilots, some
of whom were willing to engage in this raid. He stated in his opinion, the
only ones  who were willing to take the risk  of such a raid were his
companions of the infiltration team in the Cuban invasion which included
CARLOS HERNANDEZ  SANCHEZ  and MIGUEL ALVAREZ  JIMENEZ.
VICTOR ESPINOSA denied that his brother, RENE JOSE ESPINOSA or
JOSE BASULTO LEON were participants in these plans for a raid.
Basulto worked  with CIA  Agent  Felix Rodriguez,  who was  linked to Bush and Oliver
North's Contra arms network. The June 8, 1973, edition of The Miami Herald carried an
article by Rob Elder  titled "Florida Agency Admits Receiving VVAW But  From Lady
Spy." The FBI:
The article relates that Angelica 'Angie' Rohan, formerly known as Angie
Basulto, furnished a sworn statement to United States District Judge W.
O.
Mehrtens,  on May  23,  1973,  after  reading The Miami  Herald story
"which  for the first time identified Pablo  Fernandez as a police informer
who spied on VVAW and offered to sell them guns." According to the
article, Mrs. Rohan made another sworn statement on June 6, 1973, to
Dade Country State Attorney Richard Gerstein. Article says that Florida
Department of Law Enforcement confirmed on June 7, 1973, that summer
Mrs. Basulto furnished Florida Department of Law Enforcement a copy of
a recorded call between Scott Camil of VVAW and Pablo  Fernandez.
Basulto also  told  Florida Department  of Law Enforcement  that certain
Miamians  were  involved in  a 'demonstration at  the Chilean Embassy in
Washington.' Jack Key, Florida Department of Law Enforcement, Miami,
advised Miami Herald he never told the FBI or any other federal agency
about  the
'wiretap'  or  Basulto's  Embassy
information
because
the
information did seem at the time to be specific evidence, 'was not worthy
of dissemination' and because Basulto 'was my source and I'm going to
protect  my source.'  Florida Department  of Law Enforcement  director,



William Reed, according to article, said Basulto volunteered to work with
the Florida Department  of Law Enforcement  last summer.  Her  expense
were paid, and she worked at the Florida Department of Law Enforcement
convention command post, Miami, translating Spanish language material
and writing out long hand intelligence reports. Basulto has sworn that she
was  offered 'A  copy of the ITT  papers' which  Fernandez told her  were
stolen in the Chilean Embassy burglary. Article reports Basulto once tried
to convince a T.V. crew she was the 'woman in Watergate,' but now she
says she was not. In sworn statement to Dade County State Attorney's
Office, Basulto reportedly claimed second hand knowledge of a possible
plot to assassinate the Democratic Vice Presidential candidate, who later
turned out  to be Thomas Eagleton.  She claimed 'What  they were
supposed to be looking for was George McGovern's running mate.' She
reportedly
said  at  this  point  in  her  notes,  she
wrote
the
word,
'assassination' and drew a question mark beside it. State Attorney's office
sources told Miami Herald Basulto said she was present when Fernandez
offered to supply VVAW with Cuban weapons which 'could be turned into
machine guns  with a little  piece of metal.'  She was  present when
Fernandez offered weapons  to  VVAW member  identified only as  Dan.
This  veteran reportedly replied,  'We only want  peace,  man.'  Jack  Key,
Florida Department of Law Enforcement, Miami, telephonically contacted
on June 8, 1973. He confirmed Basulto worked for the Florida Department
of Law Enforcement during both national  political  conventions. She
originally contacted Florida Department of  Law Enforcement  Director
Reed at times furnished information to Reed but Key was her authorized
contact. Key described Basulto as  emotional,  and as  having furnished
both reliable and unreliable information. She was only paid expenses. She
never  told  the Florida Department  of Law Enforcement  about  being the
'woman in Watergate.' She did furnish last summer what purported to be a
tape of Fernandez-Camil telephone conversation about Chilean Embassy,
Washington,  break-in. She did  once report that  Watergate Hoover  rites
people  had something to do with the 'demonstration' at the Chilean
Embassy.  This  information seemed of no significance and she did  not
mention the break-in  or  burglary.  Key said  he had been interviewed by
Elder for above mentioned article. Elder asked him several times why he
was  covering for  FBI. He  told  Elder  he was  not covering for  FBI. He
recalled
being
contacted
by
(Deleted)  Dade
County
Public  Safety
Department, just prior to Republican National Convention, as to possible
Florida Department of Law Enforcement status of Basulto. Key said that
on June 11,  1973,  he will bring to Miami  FBI Office  complete Basulto
Florida Department of Law Enforcement file for review. On June 8, 1973,
Pablo  Fernandez telephonically contacted.  He  said  he met  Basulto
approximately July 5, 1972, and was in contact with her until the end of
the Republican National Convention when she stopped calling him. She
told  Fernandez
she
was  working
for  Florida
Department  of
Law
Enforcement  and wanted to know what  Cuban exiles  were  planning for





political  conventions.
Fernandez
said  he
'took  her  around'
during
conventions, and brought her to Cuban exile meetings. He did furnish her
a copy of his tape recorded conversation with Scott Camil earlier same
date he furnished original of tape conversation to S.A. Deleted, Miami. He
furnished her copies of no other tapes.  He said he never offered her a
copy of the ITT papers reportedly stolen in Chilean Embassy burglary. He
said  he had no knowledge of existence of such papers  and has  no
knowledge of who perpetrated this  burglary.  He  said  his  only VVAW
contacts  were  Hialeah drugstore  meetings, a Miami  Police Department
meeting with VVAW, other  non-delegate  organizations,  including Cuban
exile groups,  and police...Basulto was  not with him on any of  these
occasions. Basulto was with him on the second or third day of Democratic
National  Convention when he strolled through Flamingo Park, Miami
Beach, non-delegate campsite. He did not speak to any VVAW members
at that  time and emphatically did  not offer to supply VVAW with Cuban
weapons,  as  alleged above.  Fernandez denied furnishing Basulto any
information regarding a possible plot to assassinate the Democratic Vice
Presidential Candidate...Fernandez said he did tell Basulto about Hialeah
drugstore meetings with VVAW, but told her about no other contact with
VVAW. [Miami Herald 6.8.73; FBI 139-4089-1230]
Pablo Fernandez was an FBI informant in the case of the Gainesville Eight. HEMMING
wondered if STURGIS had ever dealt with any counterculture people when "they were
getting that slaughter ready for Miami Beach in 1972."
CORROBORATION - EDWIN KAISER
In 1952 Ed Kaiser  joined the Marines,  but
received a bad conduct dishonorable discharge
before his basic training ended.  Ed Kaiser
became a heroin addict (Sonia Kaiser insisted
that her  husband was  never  an addict)  and
amassed
a
long
criminal  record,  including
aggravated
assault,  assault  with
a
deadly
weapon,  burglary and larceny.  In 1957 Ed
Kaiser  joined the French Foreign Legion and
lost his  American citizenship. On January 29,
1
9
5
9
,  his  citizenship  was  revoked.  He  left the
Foreign Legion on a medical  discharge,  and
returned to the United States in 1959 as a landed immigrant. In 1961 Ed Kaiser moved
to Alaska, where he was convicted of theft of Government property and assault. On May
3
0
,  1964,  and on May 31,  1964, the CIA  showed an interest  in Ed Kaiser,  and two
outgoing cables  about him were  generated which  were  denied in  their entirely.  [Ltr.
Harry E. Fitzwater, Chairman, CIA Information Review Committee 1.4.82]



CUBAN AND HAITIAN EXILE AFFAIRS
In 1969 Ed Kaiser moved to Miami where the FBI took note of him due to his affiliation
with Cubanos Unidos, an anti-Castro group made up of former members of Alpha-66.
The FBI reported:
Cubanos Unidos (CU) is a Cuban exile anti- Fidel Castro organization in
Miami,  Florida.  It purpose is  to unite all exile groups  into a unity
organization
and
begin
military
operations
against
the
present
Government of Cuba. Wilfredo NaYDUUR %HDWR LV  WKH KHDG RI &8«2Q
June 26, 1970, MM T-2, a Cuban exile who had been involved in Cuban
Revolutionary matters for  the past  five years advised that  on the night
previously, (deleted) with Wilfredo Navarro, at which time Navarro claimed
CU was  going ahead with its plans to sink  a Soviet vessel off the east
coast of Florida as the vessel was on its way to Cuba.
On June 19, 1970 MM T-3, another Government agency which conducts
intelligence investigations, advised information had been received that CU
recently held a meeting to introduce Americans  who are  backing their
organization.  The Americans  were  Frank  Fiorini and Ed Kaiser.  Fiorini
FDOOV  KLPVHOI WKH ³&KLHI RI  ,QWHOOLJHQFH 6HFWLRQ RI  &XEDQRV  8QLGRV_´  2Q
July 1, 1970 NAVARRO appeared at the Miami Office of the FBI with his
brother Roerme, and advised as follows:
Frank Fiorini, an American citizen who has been involved in Cuban exile
revolutionary matters  for  the past ten years,  recently signed a unity
agreement  with CU.  In this  agreement, Fiorini,  who represents some
independent anti-Castro organization, agreed that political unity of all exile
groups must be established. Fiorini is not a member of CU as such, holds
no official position, and in not in charge of intelligence.
KAISER  said  that  CU presently has  a .50 caliber  machine gun,  a .30
caliber machine gun, some C-4 explosive, and a quantity of small arms.
CU is considering a three-day infiltration and sabotage mission to Cuba in
which about five men will participate. One of the tactics they plan to use is
to kill a few Cuban Government soldiers and cut them up into small pieces
to terrify other Cuban Government soldiers.
On July 30, 1970, KAISER advised he was then leaving for the Island of
Martinique in the Caribbean where he would try to make arrangements to
meet up a military base for operations against Cuba. On August 3, 1970,
KAISER advised he had just returned from the Island of Martinique where
he was  arrested and questioned for  28 hours  by French intelligence
officials before he was released. The purpose of the visit was to obtain
permission to set  up a base for  operations  against Cuba.  French



authorities  told  him they would  cooperate with him if and when he
obtained such permission from the United States Government.
KAISER said his present military plans involve an operation which would
leave the Florida Keys by boat and attack the Cuban Naval Academy near
Havana. About twelve persons would participate in the raid and after the
mission,  would  return to the Florida keys.  After  about  two days  in  the
Florida Keys, they would return to sea to meet a mother ship and then go
to Haiti.  KAISER  said the military mission would  leave the Florida area
with arms and explosives aboard.
On July 29, 1970 the CIA reported Ed Kaiser was part of a CU sponsored operation
against Cuba. Ed Kaiser claimed Cubanos Unidos was involved in the distribution of
anti-Castro  cartoons; in  fact  the goal  of  Cubanos Unidos was  to form a Cuban
government-in-exile in Haiti. Ed Kaiser was in contact with numerous Haitian exiles, and
while Ed Kaiser was head of the military section of Cubana Unida, he was suspected of
plotting the assassination of "Papa Doc" Duvalier.
Sonia Kaiser  reported that  at one Cubanos  Unidos  meeting her  husband was
introduced to STURGIS by a Cuban exile named "William Navarro." HEMMING told this
researcher: "She meant Wilfrado Navarro. Wilfrado and Antonio Navarro were Cuban
right wing assholes that were with STURGIS in 1960." When the FBI questioned the
CIA about Ed Kaiser on JULY 22, 1969, ANGLETON prepared a memorandum titled
"Ed Kaiser  and (deleted as  of 2010)." When the CIA  released this  document, it
contained three pages of deletions. The only information in it  was the words "On the
basis of the limited data available, this Agency's files contain no identifiable information
on Ed Kaiser.  For  The Deputy Director  Of Plans:  JAMES ANGLETON,  CSCI
3
1
6
/02475-69, cc: Customs Commissioner." The FBI reported:
Ed Kaiser has been the Subject of a criminal type investigation by the FBI
Miami since late 1971. Earlier in 1971 Kaiser allegedly wore the uniform of
the U.S. Army and used fraudulent  military identification to enter  the
premises of the U.S. Coast Guard Station, Opa Locka, Florida, where he
fraudulently obtained office  and medical  supplies.  Kaiser  is  reported to
have entered the premises of other military bases at Homestead, Florida,
and San Juan, Puerto Rico, where he allegedly represented himself as a
military officer  and used military facilities. Investigation of this  matter  is
continuing and, as yet, no Federal criminal charges against Kaiser have
been initiated. [FBI 139-4089-2469 7.9.73]
Kaiser was convicted of stealing Coast Guard office and medical supplies while wearing
a false uniform. HEMMING told this researcher: "You make him sound like a junkie. He
was  stealing classified documents." An FBI  document  stated:  "(Deleted)  One such
person contacted is an unidentified Negro male who sells Kaiser stolen watches, rings
and other  jewelry which  Kaiser  resells  to employees  at Maule  Industry and other
factories  in  the area and the Opa Locka area." [FBI  47-55225-2 p 18]  In late 1971



Kaiser was suspected of plotting to hijack a Cuban or Russian freighter. Sonia Kaiser
reported that  around this  time her  husband had a closet  full of ammunition and
grenades, which were removed shortly before the FBI searched the apartment.
A few days after STURGIS was arrested at Watergate, Ed Kaiser went to Haiti - where,
according to HEMMING, he visited Mike McLaney. HEMMING told this researcher: "He
was  delivering an ultimatum to McLaney.  A  hit  was  going  to go down.  Out of
professional courtesy, Kaiser asked him to take sides."
THE PLANNED CONVENTION RIOT
WILFREDO NAVARRO (RED PANTS) AND ED KAISER
In May 1973 Ed Kaiser contacted a Miami FBI agent and advised that:
« he was a long time friend of FRANK STURGIS, also known as FRANK
FIORINI, one of the convicted Watergate defendants and prior to the 1972
Republican Convention in  August  1972 STURGIS invited Kaiser  to
participate in a planned convention riot at the convention. STURGIS later
told him the riot was off, and something bigger was being planned. At this
time STURGIS mentioned to Kaiser the name of a nationally known figure,
a businessman and not a politician,  who was in  charge of planning the
financing and direction of this  new operation.  According to Kaiser,  this
individual was at the time unknown in the Watergate investigation. Kaiser
at the time of the above contact stated he would furnish this information in
exchange by the Government of:
1
.
The safety of his family.





2
.
For  employment  security at  his  present  employment, a service
attendant at the (deleted) service station, Florida.
3
.
For an opportunity to apply for State and Federal pardons.
Numerous attempts were made to interview Kaiser to further develop this
information both at his residence and his place of employment. During the
period Kaiser was also hospitalized for leg surgery. In response to these
efforts, Kaiser contacted the Miami office and agreed to an interview on
June 26,  1973.  At  that  date Kaiser  appeared  at  the Miami Office
accompanied by Attorney Edward N. Claughton, and advised that he had
changed his mind about furnishing information to the FBI. He stated that
he had already furnished the above information to  a member  of the
Watergate Committee,  and was  awaiting action from  that  source.  The
individual  mentioned by Kaiser  above was subsequently identified by
Kaiser  as Jack  Anderson,  newspaper columnist. In view of Kaiser's
reputation, and pending criminal  investigation,  no commitments were
made in any way to Kaiser during the above contacts, and the information
furnished
by
him
was  accepted
without  comment.  Sonia
Kaiser
remembered waiting outside while he discussed this with STURGIS. Ed
Kaiser asked the FBI for protection for himself and his family in return for
this information. [FBI 139-3089-2469,2413]
In August  1973 Ed Kaiser  gave the CIA similar  information. This  CIA report  was
withheld as of 2010. [CIA Memo 8.20.73] An index card was generated by the CIA's
Office of the Inspector General:
Gray, Patrick August 20, 1973. Flannery, J.E.
Scott, Ed
Casey (Scott alias)
Casio (Scott alias)
Kaiser (Scott alias)
IG FILE (Illegible)
Irving R. Doyle
Tab #1
Eduardo T. Scott
Info to FBI
STURGIS, FRANK
(Illegible) Gorgon
(Illegible) Howard
Letter to C/FBI from (illegible) Ed Scott alias Casey, Casio and Kaiser.
James E. Flannery was a CIA agent stationed in Bolivia from 1961 to 1964, Mexico from
1
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6
4
to 1965, and the Dominican Republic from 1965 to 1969. Kaiser also gave the
Senate Select Committee on Campaign Activities this information. STURGIS refuted Ed
Kaiser in Executive Session testimony: "STURGIS stated he was never approached by



anyone concerning demonstrations against the VVAW at the Republican Convention.
He  recalls  no such conversation with Ed Kaiser.  He  admitted knowing Kaiser  for  a
number of years, and said he considered Kaiser to be a good source of information for
Cuban-related activities  but  had reason,  nonetheless, to suspect  Kaiser's  credibility."
[STURGIS Exec. Sess. Test. 7.27-28.73 as cited in SSCIA Minority Staff Report] On
August 20, 1973, the Miami Field Office of the FBI sent the Director a highly deleted
teletype.  The only words  released were  "CHANGED" and "CONSPIRACY - RING
CASE, OO: Miami." [FBI 26-425217-36 2 pages] In August 1975 Ed Kaiser arranged for
an illegal  arms  shipment  to a Nicaraguan anti-Castro  training  base,  and frequently
talked of uniting the White Russian refugees for military operations against Cuba.
ED KAISER IN ISRAEL
On January 9, 1976, Ed Kaiser successfully entered Israel bearing a passport issued in
the name of Jerome Schneider. On March 2, 1976, Ed Kaiser was arrested for use of a
false passport while trying to re-enter Israel. A CIA report on Kaiser was generated on
June 25, 1976. This was withheld in its entirety as of 2010. Kaiser was released in July
1
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7
6
, and when he returned to the United States, he was indicted on identical charges.
Ed Kaiser told the FBI that he entered Israel by pretending to be a Jew who wished to
volunteer his services to the Israeli military. Ed Kaiser claimed he was acting on behalf
of the United States Government. The passport he used to enter Israel was a crude
forgery.  Ed Kaiser  had obtained the passport  of Jerome Schneider,  removed his
photograph, and put his picture in its place.  This did not  indicate sophisticated trade
craft. The CIA was interested in Ed Kaiser around this time and a Memorandum dated
June 25, 1976, about him, was withheld in its entirety as of 2010. Sonia Kaiser:
He  was  in  Israel and he was  arrested for  tapping wires.  Don't  ask  me
whose wires, because I don't know. It's in some arrest report that I have.
He was not arrested entering Israel with a false passport. He had a false
passport, that's true. He was in Israel for quite a while. I got letters from
him. He sent letters to me and he sent letters to my children, his children.
He was there on a kibbutz for a while. He was already living there. I had a
lot of papers, I had them. They were stolen. All the papers are gone.
HEMMING claimed Ed Kaiser was doing a hit for a colonel in the Israeli Defense Force
in Nablus: "I flew the guy he went with around the Bahamas in 1981, until he turned
himself  into the U.S.  Marshals.  We use their people, they use ours.  Ed Kaiser  was
arrested as he was leaving." HEMMING was asked why he was arrested if the Israelis
had used him?
In 1976 STURGIS convinced Ed Kaiser that Gaeton Fonzi could find a way to get him
out of his legal troubles. Ed Kaiser spoke with Gaeton Fonzi several times. Ed Kaiser
did not know it, but his legal problems had ended: the U.S. Attorney in Miami could not
prosecute him since it was unknown whether Ed Kaiser had departed the United States
from the Southern District of Florida or from elsewhere. Sonia Kaiser disagreed: "He
took a plane from Miami to Israel on El Al. They certainly could prove it. They are hiding



something  there. They know something that  they're not saying." [FBI  21-2005-21
4
.1
9
.7
6
] On February 8, 1977, Ed Kaiser ³fell off´ some wooden planking while working
aboard a ship, and died due to multiple injuries and blunt trauma; he was 44 years old.
Sonia Kaiser stated:
He carried a lot of papers in an attaché case. It was missing right after he
died. I saw him with it before he was killed. I know he had it. But the day
he died I never saw it again after that, never.
In 1978 HEMMING was asked about the death of Ed Kaiser:
He  fell on the job.  The FBI don't  know.  STURGIS don't  know.  I  saw
STURGIS at the funeral that night. Nobody else was there. Hey, he could
have just 'up and died?'  He  had to get  out from under  this  shit. All he
needed was a phony death certificate. He was under investigation for a
phony passport thing in  Israel,  he may have contracted to do a Middle
East hit and gotten into trouble. He may be in Shangrila!
Sonia Kaiser had no doubt that her husband was murdered:
Somebody pushed him into the manhole. I wasn't there, of course. He told
all his men that were working for him on that shift, not to walk across the
manhole,  because the boards  were  not  safe for  weight. The next  thing
they do is they call me at work and tell me he's dead. Then they tell me
that he walked across there and the boards broke and he fell in. And I said
'Why would he be so stupid if he's telling everybody not to walk across
there, why would he be so stupid to do that?' They didn't know of course.
Then I got a lot of strange visits from a lot of strange people and a lot of
strange phone calls, like yours for instance, asking me questions.
HEMMING told this researcher:
It ain't a matter of pushing him into the manhole. I went to check on all that
kind of bullshit. I went to the medical examiner's office. Dwyer was there.
He ain't supposed to be dicking around in that territory, it ain't his case.
Dwyer wants to know from me, 'Did he fucking die? Was that him?' What
he stepped on collapsed. He wasn't supposed to step on it. It happened to
one of my other guys about the same time, only he flew through the roof of
the shithouse. Later on he O.D.ed on dope. People don't listen. STURGIS
wasn't  worried about being snitched out. Somebody else  would  know
Kaiser was talking out of school. A criminal investigation was going on.
They didn't  want  him testifying before  a Federal  Grand jury.  They took
care of the situation. The guy had 'OSWALD' stamped on his forehead.
Sonia Kaiser was asked about her husband's relationship with STURGIS:



Before Watergate FRANK STURGIS was at our house constantly. But I
never knew what they talked about, because they never talked in front of
me. We used to go to FRANK'S house too.
THE BURGLARY OF THE CHILEAN EMBASSY
In the Spring of 1972 STURGIS  took  part  in  several  burglaries in Washington,  D.C.
STURGIS told Andrew St. George that the White House/Special Operations Group had
entered the offices of Senator Jacob Javits (Rep.-NY.), Sol Linowitz and Dan Rather. St.
George quoted STURGIS as saying "The liberals have twisted everything. There is no
use in trying to explain. If I had my way, just one chance, I'd kill every one of them."
[True 8.74] One of these burglaries involved the Chilean Embassy in Washington, D.C.
During a telephone conversation between John Dean and CIA  Director  James
Schlesinger on February 9, 1975, Schlesinger noted: "In this connection he mentioned
that there is  a news  story being passed about in  the press,  primarily instigated by
Seymour Hirsch of the New York Times. The story suggests  that STURGIS was the
individual responsible for the burglarizing of the Chilean Embassy in Washington. He
also  indicated he expects  Senator  Fulbright  to request  the Justice Department  to
produce STURGIS for the Senate hearings."
The CIA's Inspector General's Office generated an index card titled March 19, 1973,
March 6, 1973, Contacts w/ITT Tab #1 which contained the names Hal Hendrix, ITT, R.
Berrellez, Jack Anderson, E. HOWARD HUNT, FRANK STURGIS, Chilean Embassy,
P. Gilbert, (Deleted), J. Levinson, Lawrence Houston, Aible, J. Shafer, E. Gerrity,
Harold Gennen, William Broe, Matte and H. Heckscher. This was a contact report
from (Deleted) C/WH/CA. "Subject: Conversations with Hal Hendrix on March 6, 1973,
(Broe -  Gennen mtg July 1970)  relations  with Heckscher  and Matte -- Anderson's
column regarding Chilean Embassy break-in." According to an article in the Washington
Post dated October 23, 1978, Ted Shackley, Jacob Esterline and Tom Polgar were also
involved in the CIA's effort to overthrow Allende. On April 15, 1961, Hal Hendrix, the
Latin American correspondent for the Miami Daily News wrote:  There will be no mass
invasion against Cuba by the anti-Castro forces gathered at bases in Central American
and this country. The News has stated this for several months." Gaeton Fonzi reported:
In 1961, when PHILLIPS was handling the propaganda desk for the Bay of
Pigs operation and, as such, was in constant contact with friendly media
types, there was a reporter on the Miami News named Hal Hendrix, whose
coverage of the invasion seemed to be deeper and more detailed than any
other journalist, local or national. In 1962 Hendrix's coverage of the Cuban
Missile  Crisis  was  so penetrating and insightful  it  garnered his  paper  a
Pulitzer  Prize.  The next  year  Hendrix  got  himself promoted to a more
prestigious  job,  covering Latin America for  the Scripps-Howard  News
Service.
Still
based
in  Miami,  Hendrix's  sources  remained
quite
extraordinary. In a piece for Scripps-Howard dated September 23, 1963,
Hendrix wrote a colorful and detailed description of the coup that toppled
Juan Bosch,  the leftist  President  of the Dominican Republic.  If Hendrix



report  didn't  come from inside sources, it was  an amazing display of
clairvoyance - the coup didn't take place until the following day.
Author Tony Summers reported:
Seth Kantor's [a Dallas-based journalist who was acquainted with JACK
RUBY]  notes revealed that one of the calls that Kantor made from City
Hall was to the Florida number, Coral Gables MO 5-6473 [at about 6:00
p.m.] This was the [home] number of Hal Hendrix, a Miami journalist also
working for Kantor's newspaper group, (Scripps-Howard) who was offering
information on OSWALD. Hendrix, on the afternoon of the assassination,
was  able  to give Kantor  details  of  OSWALD'S  past, his  defection to
Russia, and his pro-Castro activities on his return.
Kantor reported:
The information he gave me, according to my notes, contained details of
OSWALD'S  past, particularly OSWALD'S  time span in  Russia and his
latter connection with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans.
Hendrix gave me a bunch of knowledgeable background on OSWALD'S
appearance on New Orleans radio station WDSU, the previous August. In
a show moderated by William Kirk  Stuckey,  OSWALD  had debated
CARLOS BRINGUIER,  an anti-Castro  activist  and Cuban refugee.  [The
Ruby  Coverup,  Seth  Kantor  page
3
7
6
]
Hendrix left
Scripps-Howard  in  1967 to work  for  ITT.  In July 1970,
following a meeting between Harold  Hendrix and a CIA
officer  in
Santiago,
Chile,
John
McCone
contacted
Richard  Helms,  who arranged a meeting in  Washington
between William Broe, chief of the Western Hemisphere
Division in the DDP, and Harold Geneen, the head of ITT.
Geneen offered Broe and the CIA $1 million in ITT funds
for  an anti-Allende campaign. [The Man Who Kept  the
Secrets, Powers, p290] On October 16, 1970, Hal Hendrix
cabled his  intelligence estimate to his  home office:  "Unless  there  is  a
move by dissident Chilean military elements by this time next mid-week,
the consensus in Santiago is that Salvador Allende will win the October
2
4
, 1970,  Congressional run-off easily and be inaugurated as President
November 4, 1970. The chance of a military coup is slim but it continues
to exist  -  at  least  to this  date.  A key figure in this  possibility is  former
Brigadier General Roberto Viaux..."
On November 5, 1976, Hendrix was charged in federal court with a misdemeanor for
refusing to testify accurately before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee about
ITT's connection with the CIA in Chile. Hendrix was acquainted with JERRY HEMMING







through OPERATION CRYPT. He worked with DAVID PHILLIPS, who was stationed in
Brazil, on the overthrow of the Allende regime in Chile. John Crewdson of The New
York  Times reported: "One journalist  who is  said  by a senior  CIA  official  to have
accepted travel money [from the CIA], was Hal Hendrix, who as a reporter for the Miami
News, won a Pulitzer  Prize for  his  stories  on the 1962 Cuban missile  crisis...Mr.
Hendrix,  the official  said, was  considered an asset  by the Agency...'  [NYT 12.27.77]
HOWARD HUNT was involved in generating propaganda relevant to the Bay of Pigs
invasion. HUNT may have also known Hal Hendrix. Hendrix's premature knowledge of
OSWALD'S activities may have come from HUNT or PHILLIPS. It also might have come
from HEMMING, who claimed he was in touch with Hendrix on November 22, 1963.
Benjamin  Matte was  in  Chile  from 1971 to 1974.  He  was  President  of the National
Society of Agriculture and the head of the right-wing party Fatherland and Liberty which
advocated the mass  murder  of all communists.  Matte was  an associate of Roberto
Viaux. German-born Henry D. Heckscher was in Germany in 1953, where he was East
Berlin Chief of Station. When laborers in East Berlin rioted in June 1953, Heckscher
cabled Washington for permission to arm the rioters. Heckscher was in Guatemala in
1
9
5
4
.
In Guatemala he worked with DAVID PHILLIPS and Birch O'Neal. [Hersh, Old
Boys, page 344] He was in Laos from 1957 to 1960, Venezuela from 1964 to 1967, and
Chile from 1967 to 1970. In Chile, Heckscher funneled money to Jorge Alessandri, the
opponent of Salvadore Allende for the presidency of Chile. Heckscher was in touch with
Hal Hendricks. When Allende was elected, Heckscher lost his post in Chile. The team
that  replaced him included Gordon Jorgenson.  Heckscher  died on March  29, 1990.
Jerome
I.
Levinson
worked
for  Senator  Church's  Senate
Sub-Committee
on
Multinationals  of the Senate Foreign Relations  Committee.  When Jerome  Levinson
began an investigation of Adan Khashoggi, a prostitute was sent to his hotel room by,
Eugene R. Warner, a Khashoggi aide. The 45 year old Levinson was forced to leave the
committee due to an almost near fatal heart attack. Edward J. Gerrity Jr. was a Vice
President  of ITT who received a memorandum from Hal  Hendricks  and Mexican
journalist  R. Berrellez on September 17, 1970, speculating on which  segment of the
military had the capability to overthrow Allende. This eight page document said that the
American Ambassador in Chile had received "the green light to move in
the name of President  NIXON...[with]  maximum authority to do all
possible - short of a Dominican Republic type action - to keep Allende
from taking power." [Marchetti,  CIA and the Cult of Intelligence page
3
3
0
]  William Broe worked  with Gerrity on a plan to destabilize the
Cuban economy. All over these men were involved with General Viaux.
Robert  Berrellez was  an AP correspondent  in  Cuba from 1959 to
1
9
6
1
.
He was expelled after the Bay of Pigs. Berrellez became a P.R.
man for ITT in Chile. Robert Berrellez was accused of perjuring himself
during his 1973 testimony on Chile before the U.S. Senate. Berrellez
helped Gerrity prepare his (Garrity's) testimony. Berrellez indictment noted that he had
met a CIA official in 1972 and pledged that he and Hendricks would deny ever having
contact with the Agency in Latin America. Researcher Don Freed reported that Berrellez
was acquainted with DAVID PHILLIPS. The NACLA reported that Berrellez suggested
that a relocation center be set up in Buenos Aires for the families of those involved in



the coup.  [NACLA  10.73] The  NACLA also reported that after  the assassination of
General  Schneider,  Juan Luis  Bulnes,  who later  proved to  be responsible for
Schneider's death, immediately went to the airport and picked up a ticket for Buenos
Aires which earlier had been reserved for him in the name of Robert Berrellez. [NACLA
8
.7
4
]
RICHARD WHATLEY AND WATERGATE
The FBI reported:
Re  Miami  teletype July 14,  1972,  concerning unsub,  aka photographer,
described by witness  (Deleted)  as  third man with BERNARD BARKER
and FRANK STURGIS when they picked-up processed film at Rich Photo
Shop,  Miami,  Florida, on June 10,  1972.  On April  6,  1973,  (Deleted)
advised his contact agent that he has had regular contact for a period of
several years with one Richard Whatley, a used car salesman, and that
Whatley has made several casual remarks about the Watergate incident
and about knowing the Watergate defendants. Source indicated on April 5,
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, Whatley commented that if someone talked, his attorney indicated
he was facing a federal indictment.
A  review of Miami files  reflects  that  Richard Whatley,  (Deleted)  Florida,
date of birth (Deleted) New York City, 5'6" 135 pounds, brown hair, blue
eyes  was  one of 13 International  Anti-Communist  Brigade members
arrested by United States Customs authorities on December 4, 1962, at
No Name Key, Florida. Watergate Subject FRANK STURGIS was one of
the leaders  of this  group which  was  alleged to be a military operation
against Cuba. Details are set out in Miami report of S.A. (Deleted) dated
November 9, 1968, Bufile (Deleted).
Subsequently,  on April  6,  1973,  source  observed artist  conception of
unsub, aka photographer, and stated that this drawing was an excellent
likeness of Richard Whatley. He stated that all the facial features of the
drawing were extremely similar with the exception of Whatley's hair which
is  fuller  than in the drawing.  The physical  description of (Deleted)
compares  favorably with the of  unsub, aka photographer, with the
exception of age.  Efforts  continue to secure  recent  photograph of
(Deleted)  FBI
number  4145899
for  appropriate
display
to
witness
(Deleted). Investigation continuing. [FBI 139-4089-1978 4.11.73]
WATERGATE JUNE 1972