I worked as a seasonal employee
of the IRS in Covington Kentucky and in fact was working the night after that
happened
Would
this be the Red Shield’s version of the zodiac Rothschilds
The entire zodiac if you consider there are
only 10 signs rather 12
Leo and Aquarius using the 3rd fish
maybe at Resurrection BCE
153 Fairy FIRE AND AIRY
What
about the John Birch Society books that might have been sent by Mark Slocumb
after he stopped his partnership of the bicycle shop and went to California in
his XKE Jag like the one bought for Donna Lee.
What
about the movie called Igby Goes Down in which the Slocumb family, because of
the script written by the spider, makes a joke of our mom’s death after the
Elizabeth Taylor movie “The Last Time I saw Paris mentions her death about 8
years before she died with an oxygen tent mentioned in the movie
In
Igby goes down she supposedly kills herself by putting a bag over he head and
she had cancer. Our dad’s mom had cancer but she did not put a bag over her head
either he took care of her because her husband Ross Gates died in 1951
There
was also a book series made because of the spider and it was by Joseph Heller
titled Catch 22 and Something Happened in which again the Slocumb family again
was the family and he was supposedly a CIA agent but it just shows much someone
can take advantage of a family that had a Pisces about to be born before and
after he was born and used for the Flower of Life the trunk of me from my waist
to my neck and my left arm because of a cubit of elbow to wrist creation of
arms of the human race BAAL KADMAN LEFT ARM I am Left Handed not right like everyone
else in the Gates family and the Donnelly’s
What
about Bob Luce then and his connection to Oklahoma and the I Ching and the 54
Hexagram Marrying Maiden Nuclear using the way John Blofeld saw the I Ching
that Bob read. I think it might be the fuse for the bomb because Oklahoma has a
China Underground like San Francisco
There
was a person that suggested to me just after I started working at Meijer that
there was something said to him about survivalist not survivors and he mentioned
Elizabeth Claire Profit
Why
is Baal Kadmon mentioning in You tube videos now that they are not the same as
Elizabeth Claire Profit
Here
is an article from the Guardian that I thought I should include
Twenty years ago, on 19 April 1995, a disaffected veteran
named Timothy McVeigh drove a Ryder truck
stuffed with explosives into downtown Oklahoma City and destroyed a federal
office building, killing 168 people, including 19 children, and maiming
hundreds of others. That much we know.
We also know that, within 90 minutes of the
bombing, McVeigh was pulled over near the Kansas border and arrested, alone, at
the wheel of a glaringly improbable getaway car, an ancient, spluttering rust
bucket of a Mercury sedan with no licence plates, which made him a sitting duck
for any passing highway patrolman.
How could such a callous, carefully planned
attack have come to such an incongruously slapdash end? After a vast
investigation headed by the FBI,
three trials mounted against McVeigh and his co-conspirator, Terry Nichols, and
an avalanche of court documents, there is still no definitive answer to that
question.
Perhaps the most striking thing about
the Oklahoma City bombing – by far the most
destructive act perpetrated by a home-grown assailant against fellow Americans
– is not how much we’ve learned over the past 20 years but rather how much we
still do not know.
Despite the government’s insistence that the
case has been solved, we don’t know the exact origin of the plot or how many
people carried it out. The federal indictment against McVeigh and Nichols – the
latter fronted the money and did most of the bomb’s construction for McVeigh –
made specific mention of “others unknown”, and when their trials were almost
over, the presiding judge publicly urged the FBI and other law enforcement
agencies to keep investigating. The plea fell largely on deaf ears.
We don’t know how McVeigh and Nichols learned
to build a fertiliser bomb of such size and power. (Neither received more than
rudimentary explosives training when they served together in the Army, and
their early experiments with smaller devices were haphazard at best.) We don’t
know the identities of the other people seen with McVeigh on the morning of the
bombing – only that more than 20 eyewitnesses were unanimous in telling the FBI
he was not alone.
There is no ready explanation for a different
Ryder truck seen by witnesses at McVeigh’s motel in Kansas and at the state
park where the bomb was assembled in the week leading up to the bombing; no
explanation for the other people seen inside McVeigh’s motel room during the
same period; no satisfactory explanation of the fact that two people were seen
renting the bomb truck on 17 April, neither of them entirely fitting McVeigh’s
description.
An examination of the official investigative
files on the Oklahoma City bombing – about a million pages of material – does
little to bolster the assertion of Frank Keating, a former FBI agent who was
Oklahoma governor in 1995, that “two evil men did this and two evil men paid”.
Rather, it does the opposite. The impression,
confirmed by the memories of front-line investigators and lawyers who
prosecuted the case but did not speak independently about it for many years, is
of leads left dangling or shut down instead of being pursued with the FBI’s
customary vigour. Obvious suspects were offered deals by government
prosecutors, usually but not always in exchange for their testimony. Others
slithered down the priority list until they were lost or forgotten. Half a
dozen rightwing radicals fingered as possible suspects by government informants
or by fellow anti-government warriors were not questioned about the bombing,
even when it became clear they had lied about their whereabouts on 19 April.
Oklahoma: the
day homegrown terror hit America
Read more
A bigger issue, which would re-emerge in the
wake of the 9/11 attacks, was chronic interagency rivalry. In 1995, the FBI and
the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) were both monitoring the
radical far right, but trust between the two was at rock bottom following a
disastrous ATF raid two years earlier on a religious compound outside Waco,
Texas, and an ensuing FBI-led siege that ended with the place burning to the
ground. More than 80 people died.
In early 1995, the ATF didn’t tell the FBI it
had an informant inside a remote community in eastern Oklahoma, that the
informant had reported talk of bombings, and that the ATF – afraid of
triggering another Waco – had decided to pull the informant out rather than act
on her information. McVeigh telephoned the community, Elohim City, two weeks
after the informant was shut down, and there are multiple indications he came
visiting days later in search of recruits. John Magaw, who was ATF director in
1995, said in a 2010 interview with me that if the informant had been kept on,
the bomb plot may have been thwarted.
The FBI, meanwhile, had its own troubled
history with Elohim City. Since influential players in both agencies were
reluctant to open that can of worms, it remained largely unopened – to the fury
of investigators, including Danny Defenbaugh, who ran the task force for more
than two years. “When you get agencies working together in a joint Task Force,
they should be holding hands, not keeping their fingers crossed behind their
backs,” Defenbaugh said. “Sometimes dealing with other players in this is like
pulling teeth from a toothless tiger.”
The Justice Department felt pressure to win
what was turning into a frustratingly circumstantial case, especially against
McVeigh. Prosecutors knew McVeigh was guilty and were pretty sure it was his
idea to park the truck bomb directly beneath the daycare centre at the Alfred P
Murrah federal building. Their challenge, though, was to prove it without
raising significant questions about others they could not catch, or whose
involvement they could not demonstrate beyond a reasonable doubt.
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Read more
And so, a month into the investigation, the
desire to keep looking for other suspects or sniff around places like Elohim
City started giving way to a contrary impulse not to overcomplicate the story
or give ammunition to the defence at trial. Even as the government struggled to
find conclusive evidence that McVeigh had been at the key locations in the bomb
plot, or had been there with nobody but Nichols, his role was expanded in the
official narrative from leading suspect to solo mastermind.
“If you convicted him [McVeigh] but did not
get the death penalty, that would not be okay,” said Scott Mendeloff, one of
the McVeigh prosecutors. “We could not lose this … It was like a pressure
cooker.”
They did not lose.
An unrepentant McVeigh chose in the end to
speed up his own death sentence. He waived his right to further appeals,
reinforced the government’s “mastermind” theory of the bombing with a
self-aggrandizing book-length account to two reporters, and went
to the execution chamber in 2001.
‘A
thousand points of resistance’
Timothy McVeigh is escorted
from the Noble County Courthouse in Perry, Oklahoma on Friday 21 April 1995.
Photograph: David Longstreath/AP
It’s not just conspiracy theorists who doubt
McVeigh dreamed up the plot by himself and carried it out with just Terry
Nichols for help.
Larry Mackey, the No 2 prosecutor against
McVeigh and the lead prosecutor against Nichols, has acknowledged his team did
not entirely believe it, either. “If you had said to us: ‘Anybody in the room
100% confident that McVeigh was alone, raise your hand,’ we would have all kept
our hands in our laps,” Mackey told me in 2010.
But if the official narrative of the bombing
is incomplete or wrong, what really happened?
One thing the prosecutors stripped away at
trial was the vital context of the radical anti-government movement, which in
the early 1990s was in ferment over what it saw as crypto-fascist government
tactics at Waco and at a mountainside siege at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, in which a
government sharpshooter killed the wife of a survivalist holding her
14-month-old baby in her arms.
In 1992, a propagandist named Louis Beam – described
by a senior ATF investigator as “the most dangerous man in America” – gave a
speech to fellow radicals calling for “a thousand points of resistance”. It was
time, he said, “to fertilise the tree of liberty with the blood of both patriot
and tyrant” (a line almost identical to the slogan McVeigh had on his t-shirt
when he was arrested). Beam advocated the formation of small, secretive cells
that would carry out attacks at the direction, but without the specific
knowledge, of the movement leadership.